Behavioral Research

Table of Contents
1

Description & Theoretical Background

2 Use in Health Behavior Theories
3

Measures and Measurement

4

Similar Constructs

5

References

6 Measures Appendix
7 Published Examples

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Other Constructs
 

Barriers

 

Dispositional Optimism

 

Environments

 

Illness Representations

  Implementation Intentions
  Intention, Expectation, and Willingness
  Normative Beliefs
  Optimistic Bias
  Perceived Benefits
  Perceived Control
  Perceived Severity
  Perceived Vulnerability
  Self-Efficacy
  Self-Reported Behavior
  Social Influence
  Social Support
  Stages
  Worry

Worry
Kevin D. McCaul, North Dakota State University,
and Paul W. Goetz

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1 Description & Theoretical Background

Worry has been conventionally defined as a chain of thoughts and images, which are negatively affect-laden and relatively uncontrollable (Borkovec, Robinson, Pruzinsky, & Dupree, 1983). Early research concerning worry focused on what might be called pathological worry-the extremes of worry that make it the main feature of generalized anxiety disorder (GAD; Sanderson & Barlow, 1990). It is possible to worry, of course, without having a clinical diagnosis of GAD. Ruscio and Borkovec (2004) tested high worriers with and without GAD and reported that the former group experienced less control over their negative thoughts and reported greater arousal after worrying. The feeling of not being able to control one's worry ("meta-worry") is probably the key to distinguishing between "pathological" and "normal" worrying.

Even normal worrying has been associated occasionally with negative health outcomes, although all of the data are correlational. Kubzansky et al. (1997), for example, showed in a prospective study that men who worried more about social conditions (e.g., economic recession) were more likely to suffer from coronary heart disease, and Brosschot and Thayer (2004) identified a general positive relationship between dispositional worry and risk for coronary heart disease. Specific worries may also increase one's risk of negative health outcomes. Cohen et al. (2003), for example, discovered that greater worry about prostate cancer was associated with higher levels of prostate-specific antigen (PSA) levels-a screening index of prostate cancer.

Although worry may have negative effects, worry may also have value. Investigators have pointed out that day-to-day worries function to motivate action to cope with the threat that is causing the worry (Davey, 1993b). Nearly everyone worries occasionally, and many people say that they worry every day (Tallis, Davey, & Capuzzo, 1994). Data from a study asking people to complete daily diaries suggest that many of these worrisome thoughts are related to problem solving. Szabo & Lovibond (2002) asked students to self-monitor and to record worrisome thoughts each time they had worried at least a little bit. Raters later categorized these thoughts, and well over half involved problem solving, such as worrying about how to break up with a significant other, resolving a dispute with a friend, or making a plan. The other half were more stereotypically "worrisome" thoughts, including anticipating bad outcomes, ruminating, and self-blame.

Still, worry is often related to an increase in behaviors that the worrier believes will protect his or her health. For example, higher worry levels predict:

  • Obtaining an ultrasound test supposedly useful as an ovarian cancer screening tool (Schwartz et al., 1995)
  • Requests for genetic testing for breast cancer (Lerman et al., 1997)
  • Whether sunbathers take a coupon for sun screen (Mermelstein, Weeks, Turner, & Cobb, 1999) and attending a screening clinic for skin cancer (melanoma; De Rooij, Rampen, Schouten, & Neumann, 1997)
  • Interest in cancer prevention surgery (undergo bilateral prophylactic mastectomy) among high-risk women (Stefanek, Enger, Benkendorf, Flamm-Honig, & Lerman, 1999)

It is important to note that worry may not always lead to self-protective health behaviors, and the relationship between worry and behavior may not be a particularly strong one (McCaul, Branstetter, Schroeder, & Glasgow, 1996). Still, we might ask why worry should influence health behavior. Here are some possibilities (McCaul, Mullens, Romanek, Erickson, & Gatheridge, in press): a) worry can add a set of thoughts adding to one's reasons for taking health-protective action, b) worry is intrusive and, as such, it may keep a health threat salient, serving to remind the worrier to do something, c) worry could motivate specific planning, and d) worry may promote mental simulations of the health threat, including coping actions.

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