If the right likes to call out left-wing theatrical exaggerations, it has also learned from them and in the past weeks has emulated them.
Trump’s nonwhite support suggests a gulf between how the “woke” left processes racism and how many people in the real world do.
Some fear for their career because they don’t believe progressive orthodoxies.
The company decided not to rebrand its Trader Giotto and Trader José product lines.
The popular book aims to combat racism but talks down to Black people.
Dictionaries can lag behind societal developments, and the idea that a “word” indisputably “means” what dictionaries say is simply sloppy.
Being out of school for half a year could change children’s relationship with formal expression.
Jerome Adams acknowledged the vulnerability of people of color—but ran afoul of a powerful ideology.
Stop-and-frisk was awful. But to disqualify the former New York mayor from the presidency on that basis is to risk something more destructive: a second term for Trump.
A soldier is a person. A troop is something from the game of Risk.
New words stick when they come from below, and respond to a real need.
In The Root, Michael Harriot misreads the presidential candidate’s old comments on role models.
A petition accusing Steven Wilson of “white supremacist” language makes no sense, and barely tries to.
It’s outdated. Why not use plain language instead?
The president’s linguistic life is as oral as that of a medieval artisan.
In today’s world, slurs are the real profanity, not the use of an “F-bomb” to describe a mass shooting.
It’s long been accepted that the slur shouldn’t be used by white people to refer to black people. What about referring to the word itself?
He equated being poor with being a person of color. But many people share that sociological assumption.
The definition has grown and shifted over time.
School integration yielded a disturbing by-product: a psychological association between scholastic achievement and whiteness.