A Call to Action (Berlin, American Academy)

November 30, 2009

Berlin
Ambassador Philip D. Murphy

Exzellenzen,
Meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren, Freunde und Fellows der American Academy,

Gary, du bist wirklich eine Naturgewalt. Ich möchte dir und deinen Mitarbeitern für die exzellente Zusammenarbeit danken. Tammy und ich haben viele von Ihnen schon kennengelernt. Wir haben in den vergangenen drei Monaten alte Freundschaften wieder aufgenommen und viele neue Freundschaften geschlossen. Vielen Dank für Ihre Unterstützung. Nach meinen ersten 100 Tagen als Botschafter brauche ich Ihre Ideen und Ihren Rat, wie wir die deutsch-amerikanische Partnerschaft weiter stärken können. Dafür kann ich mir keinen besseren Ort als die American Academy vorstellen.

Die Kreativität und die Energie der American Academy haben einen großen Einfluss auf die intellektuellen, kulturellen und politischen Beziehungen zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und Deutschland. Die Academy spielt eine einzigartige Rolle dabei, das Netzwerk der Partnerschaften zwischen unseren Ländern zu stärken. Das macht unsere Beziehungen so besonders. Die Gründer der Academy glaubten fest daran, dass ein geeintes Deutschland ein Grundpfeiler eines stabilen, wohlhabenden, demokratischen und friedlichen Europas ist. Unser Bündnis gehört nicht der Vergangenheit an. Es ist ein Bekenntnis, das unserer gemeinsamen Sicherheit zugrunde liegt. Wir stehen komplexen Bedrohungen gegenüber, die sich nicht von Grenzen oder Ozeanen aufhalten lassen.

[Gary, you are a complete “force of nature.” I would like to thank you and your staff for such excellent cooperation. Tammy and I have had the opportunity to meet many of you. We have refreshed old friendships and also made many new friends in the last three months. Thank you for your support. As my first 100 days as Ambassador come to a close, I am interested in your ideas and advice about how we can build an even stronger German-American partnership. I can come to no better place than the American Academy for counsel.

Due in no small part to the creativity and energy of the staff, friends and fellows of the Academy, the intellectual, cultural, and public policy relationship between the United States and Germany has been enriched. The Academy plays a unique role in strengthening the network of partnerships between the United States and Germany that makes our relationship so special. The underlying belief of the founders of the Academy was that a unified Germany in a unified Europe would continue to be an essential keystone to a stable, prosperous, democratic, and peaceful translantic community. Our alliance is not history from a bygone era, but a commitment that remains fundamental to our shared security.]

As Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said at the Brandenburg Gate Celebration on the 9th of November, “history did not end the night the wall came down; it began anew.”

Recently I was quoted in the Economist. It was noted that in the town halls I have been conducting with young people, I claim that “the relationship between Germany and America is the most important relationship of the past 60-plus years.” According to the Economist, that may have been true when the Berlin Wall still stood, but it stopped being so when the wall fell. Well, I stand unambiguously by what I have been saying in my town hall meetings – and I will continue to do so.

Today, the transatlantic alliance of values is working to meet the challenges to freedom today. We are looking for new ways to meet the front-burner issues – Iran, Afghanistan, nuclear proliferation, climate change and the financial crisis. Some suggest that the global nature of these challenges somehow diminishes Europe’s role among others in our foreign policy. Again, I disagree. From the beginning, President Obama has said that no nation can deal with the global challenges of the 21st century alone. We need strong partners – and nowhere are there better or more committed partners than in Europe, and Germany is the centerpiece of the European Union. Our transatlantic relations form the anchor of our global diplomatic engagement.

One measure of the depth of our engagement is the diplomatic schedule of the leaders of our two countries. President Obama has visited Germany twice since coming to office. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton headed a distinguished delegation to the ceremonies commemorating the 20th anniversary of the fall of the wall here in Berlin.

In Washington, both President Obama and Vice President Biden met with European leaders at the USEU Summit at the beginning of November. Foreign Minister Westerwelle, Defense Minister zu Guttenberg and many other representatives of the new German government have been to Washington in the past few weeks. There have been so many visits in fact that we are struggling to keep up with them.

On November 3, before the Chancellor addressed Congress, she and the President met in the Oval Office to discuss the whole range of international issues that are on our common agenda. In their discussion, President Obama emphasized what an extraordinarily strong ally Germany is for America and also the high regard he holds for the Chancellor. As one of the millions of Germans who grew up in East Germany, Angela Merkel knows that all barriers, whether real or symbolic, can be overcome when people stand up and work together. Speaking to a joint session of Congress -- she was the first German chancellor in 52 years to address Congress and the first chancellor ever to address a joint session -- Chancellor Merkel spoke powerfully about the less visible but equally challenging walls we face today. It was a magical and memorable moment.

We know that more is to be gained when countries cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again. There is no better example than the history of our two nations. The Marshall Plan – which I believe is the most significant diplomatic initiative in the history of mankind – was revolutionary in that it required mutual cooperation among the 17 countries that responded to the invitation to participate. Many countries, and in particular France, were cautious about allowing Germany to re-arm and become a full partner of the West. But the gravity of conditions in postwar Europe and the logic of the recovery plans convinced them of the importance of unity. Today the Franco-German partnership is one of the strongest in Europe, if not the world. France's recent decision to expand and deepen its participation in NATO is just one indication of a broad European commitment to address the global challenges of the 21st century.

Today we seek that same kind of deep and broad engagement not with just with Germany, France, and all our European partners but also with other countries around the world. Why? Because we know our collective future depends on it. I'd like to speak for a bit about what that future might look like, and what we must do to advance our prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations. What must the U.S. and Germany do to maintain and extend the momentum of transatlantic cooperation?

Global Economy>

First, we must continue to stoke our economic recovery, and pursue growth that is both future-oriented and sustained. We have taken historic steps toward reforming our international economic architecture. The G20 has now become the preeminent forum for international economic cooperation. Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, however fragile - witness developments in Dubai, for example - we must also ensure that it can be sustained. We simply cannot return to the same cycles of extreme behavior – whether it be obsessive consumption, excess leverage, untethered speculation or endless proliferation of structural products – that led to a severe global recession. Fixing the system is essential to preventing another crisis of similar magnitude. For years, the IMF and others have warned that huge global imbalances were unsustainable, highlighting among realities, that the United States cannot continue to run immense trade deficits.

Meanwhile, even countries like Germany, the "Weltmeister" of exports, are asking themselves where future growth will come from. The U.S. consumer is now saving more and consuming less. So surplus countries such as Germany will need to look at how to reduce its reliance on exports and increase domestic consumption. This was a major commitment leaders made at the G-20 Summit in Pittsburgh. Some policy solutions need to be big and bold; others, surgical and subtle. For example, lowering consumption and increasing savings in the U.S. makes complete sense in the long run, while a radical, permanent and immediate adjustment to consumption and savings could have devastating effects on both of our economies.

At the same time, we need to look at more robust opening of global markets for goods and services. There is currently a WTO Ministerial meeting going on in Geneva. Some have characterized the United States as “the problem” when it comes to concluding Doha. I encourage you to think of the United States rather as the solution. The core problem is not a dispute between the U.S and India over agricultural goods. Rather, we need to see more market openings in the larger developing countries, especially in manufactured goods. The fact is that Germany needs more market access for its products overseas just as the U.S. does. By working together to open markets, we can ensure that the Doha agreement promotes growth, exports, and jobs not just in our own countries, but in the developing world, as well.

Diplomacy and Engagement

There are, of course, a range of other pressing issues. I don’t know if anybody really expected President Obama to achieve Israeli-Palestinian peace, end the Iranian nuclear standoff, attain global nuclear zero, or be named FIFA “Footballer of the Year” all in 10 months. On virtually all of these and many other issues, policy successes will take years, not months to achieve. No administration in my lifetime has come into office, conducted the traditional “policy reviews” that normally take a year, and implemented such sweeping changes in just a few short months. The administration has already moved from the initial period of goal-setting to the tougher job of negotiating results. But lasting, tangible results take time, and I repeat, that no prior U.S. administration has moved so rapidly on so many fronts. Take into account, as well, that all of this is happening in the midst of a major financial crisis.

The President’s most important achievement has been to restore confidence in U.S. leadership both at home and abroad, and to set a new tone in international politics. He is changing the international reality with diplomacy, coupled with a magnetism that is reinforcing peace and creating hope in areas previously infected with despair. It was for his "extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples" that the Nobel Committee awarded President Obama the peace prize this year. The decision was made not only as an endorsement but also to add momentum to the president’s vision for the future. The committee cited the example of Willy Brandt who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1971. That award further encouraged Mr. Brandt to pursue Ostpolitik – the process that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Willy Brandt is one of the heroes that I talk about in my town hall meetings with German students. He, like some of the other heroes I mention – James Byrnes, George Marshall, William Fulbright, John F. Kennedy, among others – is an important figure on the arc of our shared history. There is one attribute that all these men had in common. Each of these individuals in their own special way engaged with the world. Even in the face of criticism, they re-defined the notion of “enlightened self-interest.” Engagement is a hallmark of President Obama’s presidency. The very act of engagement is not form – it is deeply substantive. From day one, the President has taken on issues where there has been no engagement in many years. There has not been substantive debate and engagement on climate change for 12 years; on health care for 15 years; on Iran for 30 plus years. Results will take time.

President Obama believes that diplomacy is a tool to be used rather than a reward to be bestowed. He also believes that foreign attitudes and relationships matter. The President is well received in Germany and around the world. In the long run, however, it also matters whether the international community takes advantage of current historic opportunities to lock in a better tomorrow. We join hands with Germany in advancing progress on numerous issues that affect us all. I would like to take a look at some of the items on our shared agenda – and the concrete progress that has been made – and then open the floor to discussion. Before I do, may I observe that it is almost impossible to deliver a static assessment of the vital foreign policy issues. The past weekend shows just how dynamic world affairs are.

Russia

Let me start with Russia. First, allow me to offer sincere condolences to those who lost loved ones in the train crash over the weekend. It is a reminder that terrorism and extremist violence is a real threat in all of our countries.

Earlier I spoke about the fall of the Wall and the end of the Cold War. Do we know today the answers to some of the fundamental questions of twenty years ago? For example, what kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold War? President Obama posed exactly these questions to a group of students in Moscow during his visit in July. He told them in clear and direct language about the future that America seeks with Russia.

For one, he is convinced that it’s important that we find a productive way to move forward with Russia on areas of common interest. First, U.S. and Russian delegations are currently in Geneva working to complete the START Follow-on treaty so it can be signed before START expires on December 5. This will allow an orderly close-out of activities permitted under the treaty to take place. Both the United States and Russia deploy far more nuclear weapons than are needed in the present post-Cold War world. We can reduce our stockpiles of nuclear weapons without posing any risk to our homeland, our deployed troops, or our allies as long as this does not result in new or unexpected imbalances or threats from nuclear threshold states. Clinging to nuclear weapons in excess of our security needs does not make the United States safer but the president’s call for reduction to global zero cannot be pursued in a vacuum. Though global zero is perhaps the most ambitious goal in nuclear history, it establishes the importance for all of us of putting the nuclear genie back in the bottle and eliminating the motivation of non-nuclear weapons states from seeking the bomb.

Second, President Obama has approved the recommendation of Secretary of Defense Gates and the Joint Chiefs of Staff for a phased, adaptive approach for missile defense in Europe. This approach is based on an assessment of the Iranian missile threat, and a commitment to deploy technology that is proven, cost-effective, and adaptable to an evolving security environment. It is the result of an extensive interagency review, which carefully considered the perspectives and defense requirements of the NATO Alliance and other friends and allies in the area. We continue to seek Russian participation in this important effort for future security.

But while we move forward on areas of common interest, we must also manage our differences. Our efforts and our strategy must be conducted in ways that do not trade off some interests against others. On issues ranging from Georgia, to our strategy on energy diversity, to our engagement on issues of nuclear and conventional forces in Europe, to NATO enlargement, to human rights, our positions are clear.

On Inauguration Day, relations between the United States and Russia were strained. Less than a year later, we are about to see a new strategic arms reduction treaty and there is evidence of closer cooperation on high-priority issues, such as Afghanistan and Iran. President Obama has pressed the re-set button and the relationship has benefitted. I might add that my Russian counterpart and I have also decided to press the re-set button not just in Moscow but here in Berlin. We are working on a couple of joint cultural programs as a start.

The Muslim World and the Middle East

The re-set button comes in languages other than Russian. President Obama has also transformed the tone and tenor of America's relationship with the Islamic world, replacing an overly narrow focus on terrorism and al Qaeda with a broader approach that emphasizes engagement. The broad changes brought by globalization and other currents of history have led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. Violent extremists have exploited these tensions. As long, however, as relationships are defined by differences, we empower those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. President Obama went to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect.

That new beginning is also predicated on real progress in the specific context of Israelis, Palestinians, and the Arab world. From day one of his administration, President Obama has demonstrated his commitment to a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. That includes a settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that results in two states in which both the Israeli people and the Palestinian people can live in peace and security and realize their aspirations for a better life for their children. Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security, but they need to do more to stop incitement and to move forward with negotiations. Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians and have discussed important steps to restrain settlement activity. Israel has announced a 10-month moratorium on settlement construction and new project approvals in the West Bank. We believe that, while they fall short of a complete freeze which we continue to pursue, the steps announced by Prime Minister Netanyahu are significant.

Like President Obama, Chancellor Merkel has repeatedly emphasized Germany’s unshakeable support for Israel. Successive German leaders have underlined Germany’s special responsibility for Israel, including Chancellor Merkel. However, she also agrees with President Obama that the United States cannot accept the legitimacy of continued settlement expansion. Such actions make it harder to create a climate in which negotiations can be resumed. It is clear that it is time for both sides -- Israelis and Palestinians – despite all the obstacles, despite all the history, despite all the mistrust, to find a way forward. Regional players, such as Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia must also step forward and help constructively shape the future.

Iran

The issue of Iran's nuclear activity requires a strong international response. For a number of years, Europeans pressed us to become more engaged, arguing that our absence created a void that doomed discussions to fail; as a military and economic superpower, there were certain aspects that only we could bring to the table.  We are bringing them now. We are talking to Iran. We are present at meetings that take place between the international community and Iran. In past years there have been significant transatlantic differences on how to deal with Iran. That is not the case today.

The United States is working closely with Germany and other partners in the EU-3+3 process to achieve Iran’s full compliance with UN Security Council resolutions and IAEA directives on its nuclear program. We are speaking with one voice on this critical issue. Last week, a resolution calling on Iran to halt work on its clandestine uranium enrichment facility as well to comply with its safeguards obligations was passed by the International Atomic Energy Agency -- with an overwhelming majority, I might add. The resolution sends a clear, unified message to Iran. It is also proof of the degree of cooperation amongst the EU-3+3 partners. A nuclear-armed Iran is unacceptable and we cannot wait forever for it to accept a U.N.-brokered atomic fuel deal.

We are united in our resolve to preserve the integrity of the international nonproliferation regime. The Iranians are well aware that this is a two-track process. We continue to urge them to work with us on the first track of diplomacy and engagement. A hand has been extended and there is a window of opportunity for Iran. The announcement on the weekend that Iran planned to build 10 additional uranium enrichment facilities was, however, certainly not a constructive sign of engagement. As White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said, “If true, this would be yet another serious violation of Iran’s clear obligations under multiple UN Security Council resolutions, and another example of Iran choosing to isolate itself. “ If necessary, we must all be prepared to move toward increased pressure on the Iranian regime. The international community has made it clear that Iran has rights, but that with those rights come responsibilities. No options have been taken off the table – but time is running out. No one wishes to go down this road, but the consequences of Iran acquiring a nuclear weapon and the ensuing arms race in the region that would be sure to happen are so horrifying that failure to act would be unacceptable.

Afghanistan

In Afghanistan and Pakistan, the same extremists who killed over 3,000 innocent people -- Americans and the citizens from some 90 different countries -- continue to endanger America, our allies, and innocent Afghans and Pakistanis. Al Qaida’s attacks in Europe, such as in Spain and the United Kingdom, remind us that the threat is not confined to distant lands. A year ago, the situation around Afghanistan, was, according to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, “serious and deteriorating.” People worried about American staying power. Within two months, President Obama made his intentions clear by deploying 21,000 additional troops, placing one of our military's most accomplished generals in charge, and asking him to make a no-holds-barred assessment. At the same time, he approved a civilian surge, which will see a tripling of U.S. civilian officials and advisors in Afghanistan.

Using the military assessment, plus inputs from his foreign-policy team, he has conducted the most-thorough review of a national security challenge of any recent President. His foreign and defense policy team have been working on the diverse elements of what a successful strategy must include -- ranging from assessing the economic assistance challenges, to empowering Afghan security forces, to ensuring that the Afghan government is both committed to and capable of assuming the burdens of providing security over all of its territory. We will all hear the results of this analysis tomorrow evening when President Obama addresses the United States -- and the world.

The President’s speech tomorrow will address primarily Afghanistan.  While and other matters have dominated public discourse, Pakistan has been a vital and central element of the administration’s strategy review.  We cannot succeed in Afghanistan without Pakistan – and if we don't succeed in Afghanistan, then Pakistan will be imperiled.

Without trying to pre-judge the President’s conclusions, let me outline some of the bedrock U.S. principles from which they will flow. First of all, we are maintaining our commitment to Afghanistan. All of the options under consideration called for greater U.S. engagement, not less. The only question has been how many more resources -- in addition to the ones the President already committed earlier this year -- will be necessary to achieve our aims.

Secondly, this is not a numbers game; the discussion in Washington has not been primarily about whether we should add one thousand troops or ten thousand; it is about the strategy we will pursue to accomplish our objectives and then ultimately to get our soldiers back home. Our goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies.

Thirdly, we need to transition this conflict from outsiders like us to Afghan security forces that are capable of confronting the threat, of establishing and maintaining peace and stability in their own country. Therefore, there has been considerable discussion on how we can accelerate our efforts to train and empower the Afghan army and police to take over responsibility for security in an increasing number of areas. A lot of work will have to be done here, so we need to make sure our plans are robust and realistic.

Lastly, the Afghan government has to do its part, especially in improving the rule of law, governance and addressing the corruption issue head on and forcefully. Secretary Clinton had a very frank discussion with President Karzai about this issue during his inauguration ten days ago, and he has pledged to reinvigorate his efforts. It is not a simple issue, but we are convinced that dealing with Afghanistan’s governance challenges will not be successful unless there is progress here.

I want to underscore the importance of the effort by German soldiers and police trainers to bring stability to this troubled land. We honor their service and their sacrifice – and we recognize the commitment that it takes, not just from the men and women in uniform, but from their families and indeed the entire German nation. In addition, between 2001 and 2010 Germany will have contributed a total 1.2 billion dollars of reconstruction assistance to Afghanistan.

Climate Protection

There is another issue that will reach a crescendo in the next few days, and that is climate protection. When Americans think of Germany, they often think of the German commitment to the environment – and Chancellor Merkel’s strong leadership on climate change symbolizes that strong commitment.

Under President Obama’s leadership, the United States has also taken dramatic steps to change the way we use energy. Sharp increases in automobile fuel efficiency have been mandated. Our economic stimulus package includes more than $80 billion in clean energy investments designed not only to jump-start the economy, but also to build the clean energy jobs of tomorrow. The passage of the American Clean Energy and Security Act in the House of Representatives earlier this year signals America’s commitment to preventing climate change and building a global clean energy economy. Currently, the Senate is reviewing similar legislation. In terms of climate and the environment, this has been the most productive 10 months in our country’s history.

All nations have a responsibility to address this urgent global challenge, and we are prepared to assume our share of responsibility. We know that without U.S. emissions reductions, no solution to climate change is possible. President Obama is prepared to put on the table a U.S. emissions reduction target in the range of 17% below 2005 levels in 2020. This will put us on the path to the President’s long term goal of emission reductions of 83 percent by 2050. By the way, there has been a lot of discussion about baselines, let me simply say that common sense dictates that we start from where we are.  We think that the 2005 baseline better reflects the reality of our current position than does any earlier year.

But action by the United States and other developed nations is clearly not enough. There is simply no way to preserve a safe and livable planet unless developing countries play a key role in the climate negotiations and join in taking collective action to meet this common challenge. As Todd Stern, the President’s Special Envoy on Climate Change says, “it is not a matter of politics or morality, or right or wrong, but simply the unforgiving math of accumulating emissions.”

President Obama and his team have engaged in constructive dialogue with China and India. Based on progress made in those discussions, the President believes it is possible to reach a meaningful agreement in Copenhagen. With the right blend of pragmatism and principle, we believe we can secure a strong outcome at Copenhagen, an outcome that is both comprehensive and has immediate operational effects. Danish Prime Minister Rasmussen has put such a plan forward. It would set forth mitigation undertakings, establish new financing and set money and technology in movement to countries that need it. Most important, this agreement would establish a foundation for a full legal agreement. President Obama will join Chancellor Merkel and other world leaders in Copenhagen. Their decision to attend is a clear sign of their continuing commitment and leadership to lay the foundation for a new, sustainable and prosperous energy future.

Regardless of what transpires at Copenhagen, however, there is much, much more for the United States and the world to do if we are to achieve a clean energy future for our children and grandchildren.

Turkey

Let me mention one final issue – even at the risk of giving the impression I am intruding into the affairs of Europeans. I often say as I am about to tiptoe into either a German or EU matter that while at one level it is none of my business, at another, a strong Germany and a strong European Union are in our national interests; and, therefore, I am obliged at least to offer an observation. The issue is Turkey. Turkey is a critical partner in dealing with many of the challenges that I have talked about this evening – from Afghanistan to Pakistan, from Iran to Russia. It has been central to European security since joining NATO in 1952. Turkey is bound to Europe by more than bridges over the Bosporus. The United States strongly supports Turkey’s bid to draw ever closer to the European Union and to eventually become a member, once it has met all the requirements.

Turkey has made progress toward membership in the EU. It has pursued political reforms not simply because it’s good for Europe, but because it is right for Turkey – and the EU accession process has played a key role in keeping Ankara on the right track. The road to Turkish membership is still a long and difficult one. Having said this, the strategic value of a Turkey anchored firmly in the West is enormous at many levels. We recognize that the challenges in achieving those objectives are real – for the West and for Turkey. But I believe the value far outweighs those challenges. As Deputy of Secretary Jim Steinberg says, “sustaining Europe’s collaboration with Turkey and its European vocation, as well as its role in the greater Middle East and Central Asia is critical to all of our futures.”

Let it not be said as we look at the arc of history years down the road that we took a false turn here – and that Turkey turned away from the West. Finally, I believe that just as America is not diminished by diversity, Europe has only to gain by the diversity of ethnicity, tradition and faith that Turkey brings.  Nowhere in Europe do those benefits sparkle more than in Germany.

Conclusion

In all of these issues, it is clear that cooperation must go beyond our governments. It must be rooted in our people -- in the business that we do, the studies we share, the knowledge that we gain, and, yes, even in the sports that we play. At the Embassy and our five Consulates, we are committed to engaging not only with representatives of the federal, state and local governments, but also with civil society, business leaders, teachers, students, and ordinary Germans. Our partnership with the Academy is one important element of our outreach to cultural, political and academic audiences.

I mentioned at the beginning of my remarks that I have been doing town halls around Germany. My goal is to engage these young people so that they are also just as convinced in the benefits and value of our partnership as somebody who experienced the Airlift, President Kennedy’s visit to Berlin, or the fall of the Berlin Wall. They are the generation that will seek and find the solutions to the challenges of the 21st century. They must forge common solutions to our common problems. History has shown us that sometimes what we thought was impossible can come true. We have seen that here in Berlin. But we have also seen that it is often easier to start wars than to end them. It is often easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.  In every case, at every turn, we must choose the right path, not just the easy one.  When I speak to young people, I try to communicate that sense of opportunity and responsibility. So that when they look back to these times at the start of the 21st century, they will be able to say that our generation – yours and mine – did our part to make this world more peaceful.

For we have learned important lessons in the past few years. We have learned that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. And on and on. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.

This is President Obama's message. Next week, President Obama will travel not only to Copenhagen but to Oslo, as well, to accept the Nobel Peace Prize. As he himself said when the announcement was made in October, he was both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee. He will accept this award as a call to action -- a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st century. That’s why his administration has worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek. This award is not only about the efforts of President Obama’s administration, or even only those of the American people. It is also about the courageous efforts of America’s partners around the world – including our partnership between Germany and America, the most important relationship of the past 60-plus years. There, I said it again.

Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren, vielen Dank für Ihre Aufmerksamkeit!