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Ambassador Murphy: Speeches & Texts

65 Years Later: Lessons Learned from the “Speech of Hope”

Ambassador Philip D. Murphy in Stuttgart

Ambassador Philip D. Murphy in Stuttgart

As prepared for delivery.


Stuttgart, September 6, 2011
Ambassador Philip D. Murphy


Vielen Dank, Herr Dr. Böhmler.
Minister Friedrich, meine Damen und Herren,

die Geschichte unserer beiden Länder ist reich an einschneidenden Ereignissen, die wir gemeinsam miteinander erlebt haben. Heute möchte ich eines dieser Ereignisse nutzen, um einen Dialog darüber anzustoßen, was Deutschland und die Vereinigten Staaten während der letzten 65 Jahre gemeinsam erreicht haben. Ich möchte diesen Dialog aber nicht auf die „guten alten Zeiten“, und auf das, was einmal gewesen ist, beschränken. Ich möchte mit Ihnen heute auch gerne über die Gegenwart und die Zukunft sprechen – und darüber, was alles möglich sein kann, wenn wir das Potenzial unserer Partnerschaft vollständig nutzen.

Thank you, Dr. Böhmler (Chairman of the Board of the James-F.-Byrnes Institute in Stuttgart),
Minister Friedrich (Minister for the Bundesrat, Europe and International Affairs),
Ladies and gentlemen,

There are a number of shared milestones in the history of our two countries. Today I would like to use one of those milestones as a starting point for a conversation about what Germany and the United States have achieved together in the past six and a half decades.  I do not want to limit this conversation to times gone by or to what once was.  I would also like to speak with you this afternoon about the present and the future – and about what could be if we take full advantage of the potential of our partnership. 

In the past two years, I have travelled Germany widely.  In almost every city and town I visit, I hold what we call in the United States “town hall meetings” with young people to discuss the future of the German-American partnership.  I always start these discussions by describing some of the moments in time and heroes of history that are particularly meaningful to me when one talks about concepts such as partnership, responsibility and common values. 

One of the moments in time I talk about is September 6, 1946. On this day, U.S. Secretary of State James F. Byrnes visited Stuttgart, the provisional capital of the American zone of an occupied Germany.  World War II was over but the effects of the war were still plainly obvious.  An American journalist covering the visit of Secretary Byrnes described Stuttgart as a skeleton of the bustling, prosperous city it once was.  The old and once prosperous city was badly damaged and the buildings that remained stood in ghostly silhouette to what they once were.  And the spirits of the inhabitants were just as gutted as the city.  In Stuttgart, and throughout Germany, people needed food and roofs over their heads and jobs; but most of all, they needed hope.  And on September 6, 1946, a breath of hope swept through Stuttgart.

On this day 65 years ago, here in Stuttgart amidst the rubble and despair of postwar Germany, Secretary of State James Byrnes helped to set the course for a new way forward.  In many respects, it was on that day – on September 6, 1946 – that the postwar 21st century partnership between our two countries was born.  Think back with me to that September day 65 years ago. 

In August 1946, representatives of the Allied countries had been meeting in Paris all month long to move forward on the decisions that had been made in Potsdam a year earlier.  The U.S. delegation was led by Secretary of State Byrnes, along with Senator Tom Connally, Democratic chair of the Foreign Relations Committee, and Senator Arthur Vandenberg, spokesman for the Republican Party in foreign affairs.  Although they may have had other political differences, the members of the U.S. delegation were united in their commitment to resolve the many unsettled issues which were both increasing tensions among the Allies and adding to the problems and concerns of the peoples of countries in Europe, as they tried to rebuild their lives after one of the most disastrous wars in human history.  The delegation conferred frequently with General Lucius D. Clay, the Deputy Governor of the Allied Military Government in Germany. General Clay was absolutely convinced of the necessity of explaining to the German people the American perspective on how peace and prosperity could be achieved and what it would mean for their country.  Everybody was very aware that to the east, the end of the war had not brought liberty but a new brand of tyranny.  And so, on September 5, 1946, Secretary Byrnes flew to Berlin from Paris.  That same day, he and other members of the delegation boarded a train for Stuttgart.  From the train window, the Secretary saw the rubble and could feel the despair of postwar Germany.

In Stuttgart, he drove from the train station to the State Theater in General Clay’s car.  The vehicle was identified by a special flag.  That flag is framed in my office at the Embassy in Berlin.  Every morning when I sit down at my desk, I am reminded of the event that we commemorate today.  Of course, I am sure those who lived through those times have even more vivid reminders of that day in their hearts.  Lines of people waited all morning along the streets of Stuttgart to catch a glimpse of Secretary of State. 

At the theater, a mixed audience awaited his delegation.  An American military band was playing Dixie, Yankee Doodle and the Red, White and Blue.  But despite the music, everybody in the room was solemn; and as the Secretary began to speak, all present listened attentively.  The audience included British and French political advisors of the Allied Council, a few Soviet officers and a large number of Americans – mostly officers and GIs.  Most important, though, the German Minister Presidents of the three states in the American zone and administrators from all over the area had been invited.  The speech contained no oratorical flourishes.  It was put in the plainest words possible in order to be plainly understood.  And at the end, all but a few in the audience stood up and applauded with grave emotion.  After the speech, Bavaria’s Minister President said what many Germans felt, “Mr. Byrnes spoke to us as not as a defeated nation but as a friend.”

And indeed, the reach of the speech went far beyond Stuttgart.  Every possible measure had been taken to circulate the speech throughout the country.  Radio was the social media, the Facebook, of those days, and the Secretary’s words were heard throughout Germany, in the zones occupied by the US, Great Britain and France, as well as the Soviet zone.  American radio also carried the speech on a special transatlantic broadcast.  Indeed the world listened intently to his remarks because the future hung in the balance. 

The Secretary’s speech that day came to be known as the “Speech of Hope."  It put America firmly on the side of those who believed in a better future for Germany and Europe.  The principles he expressed in the speech laid the foundation for our partnership today.  He emphasized self-government and the need for democratic development.  His invitation to “get going” with economic reconstruction and cooperation was intended not as a challenge but as an invitation.  The principles shaping our approach to many of the challenges we face today are identical to those laid down by Secretary Byrnes here in this city 65 years ago.

Today, Stuttgart, Berlin, and all the other cities and towns in the 16 Bundesländer, alt und neu, represent a Europe where democracy, prosperity, and peace have become a matter of course.  Today the world looks to Germany as a symbol of the values of democracy and freedom.  It looks to Germany as a catalyst in the process of extending the potential of peace and prosperity to countries around the world because – despite all the progress that we have made – there are grave new challenges to meet.  The vision that has given our partnership strength over the past 65 years is just as valuable today as we work together to meet the threats that transcend our frontiers – threats like terrorism, nuclear proliferation, crime, drugs, disease, and damage to the environment.  The danger posed by these threats is as great as any that we have faced before – as America and the world learned so dramatically and tragically ten years ago.

In a few days, America and the world will commemorate the anniversary of another moment in history that had a lasting effect on the international world order.  On a bright, clear morning almost ten years ago, the citizens of more than 90 countries, including 11 Germans, were murdered in terrorist attacks.  That September morning was a backdrop for images of death and destruction that have been indelibly burned into the world’s collective consciousness.  September 11, 2001, or 9/11 as we say in the United States, has entered into a global common vocabulary.  The whole world was witness to the events as they unfolded in New York City, in Washington and a field in Pennsylvania.  I spoke earlier about Zeitzeugen to the Speech of Hope by Secretary of State James Byrnes.  There is probably hardly a person above the age of 20 in either of our two countries who does not remember exactly where they were when they heard about the attacks of 9/11.  I myself had just gotten off a transatlantic flight to London when I heard the news.  My wife Tammy was at home with our four children in New Jersey, across the bay from New York City. We both felt, however, the overwhelming and immediate impact of the attacks.  In our community, within commuting distance of Manhattan, families lost fathers and mothers and brothers and sisters.

I know that the reaction here in Germany was also instantaneous and heartfelt. I have heard about the phone calls, the flowers, the drawings and letters of condolence, and the offers to help the families of the victims that started pouring in almost immediately.  Those gestures spoke volumes about the depth and the breadth of the friendship between our two countries.  

And now for the tenth time, this year our friends and partners here and around the world will remember with us again the victims of terrorism – not just those who died on September 11, 2001, but also those who lost their lives in London, Bali, Madrid, Mumbai, Kampala and other places around the world at the hands of terrorists.  The bright, hopeful faces of the young people who were murdered this summer in Norway have also become a part of our collective memory about the horrible results of extremist and violent ideologies.  Terrorists use these ideologies to pull people apart and to pit those of one religion or ethnic group or political ideology against another. 

Over the past ten years, we have had many discussions in the United States, but also in Germany and other countries around the world, about how we can counter those who perceive differences between people as an excuse for violence.  Just as Secretary Byrnes’ speech here in Stuttgart was a catalyst for discussion about the values of freedom and responsibility, the events of September 11 were a catalyst for discussions – perhaps long overdue – regarding integration, assimilation and tolerance.  

As we all know, there are many tough issues at stake and many questions that we need to ask ourselves and to discuss openly.  One of those questions is: how should we respond to barbarous assaults on our societies without endangering the very freedoms that form the basis of how we live and work and worship and go about our daily lives?  These are, after all, the very qualities that make our communities strong and resilient.  This was one of the enduring messages of the Speech of Hope in the 20th century.  In a similar way, the events of September 11, 2001 were a catalyst for discussion about what security means in the 21st century. 

Just yesterday, I spoke with Chancellor Merkel and other members of her party about some of these issues.  Where do we stand ten years after 9/11?   A few days after the events of September 11, Chancellor Merkel stood with her predecessor and other German leaders alongside my predecessor Ambassador Dan Coats at the Brandenburg Gate.  Two hundred thousand people had gathered there for a memorial service.  That ceremony underlined our common humanity.  People here and in the United States – and I think people everywhere – felt wounded and vulnerable and at risk.  The theme of that ceremony at Brandenburg Gate was “Keine Macht dem Terror” but I think it was clear to everybody that the struggle against an enemy that was so full of hate would not be easy.  We would have to do more than just say we were against terrorism.  This struggle would demand from all of us courage, patience and fortitude.  And looking back at the past six and a half decades of our shared history as allies it is clear that Germans and Americans possess these qualities in abundance.   

I know that in our determination to safeguard the safety of our citizens, America has taken steps in the past ten years that sometimes even our closest friends have not always agreed with.  And we continue to engage in important and sometimes challenging discussions in our pursuit of this goal – the first responsibility of all governments.  How can we adapt institutions and partnerships to make them even more resilient, so that we can address new challenges as they arise without compromising basic and enduring principles?  How can we address short-term and immediate emergency situations and at the same time put into place policies that mesh with our long-term strategic goals?  And here, I think not only of emergency situations involving terrorism; I think too of our responses to natural disasters, humanitarian crises, and other catastrophic situations. 

As I said, our two countries have faced challenges of magnitude before.  One such extraordinary moment began in 1945, in the wreckage of one of the greatest cataclysms in human history. World War II thoroughly consumed the old international system; and it fell to a group of American and European statesmen to assume the roles of architects and builders of a new model for upholding international peace and prosperity.  The solutions to these past challenges seem perfectly clear now with six and a half decades of hindsight.  But it was anything but clear for the men and women who lived and worked in those times of unprecedented change.

Look back as well to the Berlin crisis when a Wall went up that, for 28 long years, divided a city and a country and a continent.  Today, 50 years later, people still debate what might have happened had the United States and the Western allies reacted differently.  As President Kennedy said, "We could have sent tanks over and knocked the Wall down. What then? They build another one back a hundred yards? We knock that one down, then we go to war?" Another world war with weapons and tanks and more graveyards full of soldiers and civilians or even nuclear cataclysm?  In a press conference soon after the Wall went up, President Kennedy was asked about the future of Berlin. The very next question was about bomb shelters.  Many people believed that the Cold War could indeed very quickly become very hot.  The father of one of our diplomats at the Embassy was stationed in Bamberg in 1961.  He remembers moving with his tank unit one morning to the Federal Republic’s border with then Czechoslovakia in anticipation that it indeed would become hot.

That said, one cannot downplay the consequences or the price paid by the scores of people who were killed as a direct result of the Wall and the oppressive policies of the East German government.  They paid with their lives and millions of others paid with their souls.  The ultimate story of the Berlin Wall is that it was built for the same reason it collapsed.  It was built to contain East Germans, two thousand of whom were fleeing every day; and it fell for the same reason.  It could no longer hold back those for whom the love of liberty was stronger than the will of tyranny.  

We often talk of the common values that Germany and the United States share.  History has obviously delivered many examples that underline those values and the resilience and strength of our partnership.  But there have also been a few very exceptional occasions when that message has been put into words in very unmistakable and eloquent terms.  One such occasion was when Secretary of State Byrnes spoke to the German people in September 1946.  Another such occasion was when Chancellor Konrad Adenauer addressed the two houses of the U.S. Congress in 1957.  He was the first German chancellor to do so and he used the opportunity to underline how deeply related the basic principles characterizing American policy and German policy were.

Bundeskanzler Adenauer hat etwas über den Freiheitswillen seines Volkes gesagt: „Freiheit, Friede, Einheit“, sagte er, „das sind die Ziele unserer Politik, einer Politik also, die die großen Werte verwirklichen will, die den Fortschritt der Menschheit bestimmen.“ Aber wir wissen, dass es mit dem sich abzeichnenden Kalten Krieg und dem Eisernen Vorhang, der sich über Europa legte, alles andere als wahrscheinlich war, dass die Freiheit letztendlich obsiegen würde.

Vor zwei Jahren sprach ein weiteres deutsches Regierungsoberhaupt vor dem Kongress meines Heimatlandes. Ich hatte das Privileg, bei der Rede von Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel vor beiden Häusern des Kongresses anwesend sein zu dürfen. Das Bild, das sie von den Chancen und Herausforderungen der heutigen Zeit gezeichnet hat, war ein eindrucksvolles Plädoyer für Menschenrechte und Menschenwürde, besonders vor dem Hintergrund der Anstrengungen und des Erfolges Deutschlands, allen seinen Bürgern die Freiheit zu geben. Die Mauern, denen wir uns heute gegenübersehen, sind in der Tat weitaus weniger sichtbar als die Berliner Mauer es war. Aber sie fordern uns genauso heraus.

Chancellor Adenauer spoke of his people’s will of freedom.  “Freedom, peace, unity” he said, “these are the aims of our policy, a policy designed to give effect to the great ideals that determine the progress of humanity.”   (Freiheit, Friede, Einheit – das sind die Ziele unserer Politik, einer Politik also, die großen Werte verwirklichen will, die den Fortschritt der Menschheit bestimmen.)  But we know that as the Iron Curtain descended across Europe and the Cold War began to take shape, it was far from evident that freedom would ultimately triumph.

Two years ago, another German chancellor spoke before the Congress of my country.  I had the privilege of attending Chancellor Merkel’s presentation before the Joint Session of Congress.  Her overview of the opportunities and challenges we face today, framed in the context of Germany’s struggle and ultimate success to provide freedom to all of its citizens, was also an eloquent argument for human rights and dignity.  The walls we face today are indeed less visible than the Berlin Wall but they are equally challenging.

It is essential that we approach the challenges of the 21st century with the same commitment and resolve as in the past, but also with openness to the new parameters of the world we live in.  The Muslim chaplain at Georgetown University in Washington participates frequently in interdenominational services and community events.  I like the approach he describes. “People talk about tearing down walls of separation,” Imam Hendi says. “I don't want to tear down walls but rather turn those walls into tables that bring us all together where we can enjoy the blessing of God on this Earth. Our ability to bring about a peaceful world depends on how we can work together side by side as partners.”

And I believe we are doing just that.  Long-standing partnerships have been deepened and extended in many significant ways and also new partnerships have been forged.  Almost all of the broad foreign policy and national security initiatives of both your country and mine support more focused counterterrorism goals.  They do so by addressing the political, economic and social conditions that can sometimes fuel violent extremism and push certain individuals into the arms of al Qaeda.  I think we have learned ten years after 9/11 that counterterrorism alone dare not define our foreign policies; rather, it must be a vital part of our broader national security interests.  For example, the promotion of the peaceful resolution of political disputes and grievances, the implementation of trade and economic policies that generate the growth that can lift people out of poverty, support of universal human rights and good governance practices – all such initiatives address the most basic needs and rights of people everywhere; and by doing so, they also help to undermine violent extremism.

Peaceful political, economic, and social progress negates the claim that the only way to achieve change is through violence.  It is a powerful antidote to the disillusionment and sense of powerlessness that can make some individuals more susceptible to violent ideologies.  The extraordinary political changes that are sweeping the Middle East and North Africa mark an historic moment of opportunity.  “Experts” on the Arab world worried for years that revolutions would bring about new violent jihadist regimes.  But what is happening is different.  New structures are emerging that have nothing to do with al Qaeda.  Ordinary citizens are leading change; and they seem to want many of the things we do, such as peace and freedom from oppression.  The changes in North Africa give us reason to hope that the situation in the world is improving and that, despite temporary setbacks, it will continue in a positive direction.

We face difficult challenges on many fronts but I choose to be an optimist, as is common among Americans.  As I have said, September 11 reminds us of the fundamental values we share with our friends and allies.  This is something that we need to be passionate about – in the same way that Secretary of State James Byrnes and a generation of American and European statesmen were passionate about the rebirth of Germany and Europe and the community of democracies as a whole.  

Let us also remember, however, that their passion was shared by millions.  Let us also remember that in the last 65 years, our two countries have built a relationship deeper than the ties that could be forged by government leaders or diplomats and soldiers alone.  In fact, I believe that we almost take for granted the fact that we know each other so well.  Germany and the United States pioneered people-to-people programs of cultural and academic exchange.  The institute here in this city that bears the name of Secretary Byrnes is one example of our cultural and intellectual partnership.  Dr. Böhmler, Dr. Pyka, I would like to commend you and all those who work so hard for the Byrnes Institute for your commitment.  Minister Friedrich, I would also like to thank the state of Baden-Württemberg and the city of Stuttgart for their support of the Deutsch-Amerikanisches Zentrum.

You have all recognized the need to forge a new set of links and to build on the bonds being formed each day by our companies, our universities, our schools, our parliamentarians, and our nongovernmental organizations in our 21st century partnership.  You have recognized the need to build on their passion in recognition of one simple fact – one simple fact with which Secretary of State James Byrnes opened his remarks on September 6, 1946.  And with these words, I would like to close my remarks. 

Minister Byrnes sagte in der deutschen Version seiner Rede, die heute vor 65 Jahren ausgeteilt wurde: „Wir haben wohl oder übel lernen müssen, dass wir alle in einer Welt leben, von der wir uns nicht isolieren können. Wir haben gelernt, dass Frieden und Wohlergehen unteilbar sind und dass Frieden und Wohlergehen in unserem Land nicht auf Kosten des Friedens und Wohlergehens eines anderen Volkes erkauft werden können.”

Let us not forget that lesson as we move forward – together and in partnership.  Let us not forget that in this world we live in, leadership dare not be defined not by threats and dangers but by security, opportunity, dignity – and above all, hope.

Vielen Dank für Ihre Aufmerksamkeit!