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5 Republicans Who Matter on Immigration
12/11/12By SEUNG MIN KIM | 12/10/12 11:10 PM EST, POLITICO
They lack the stature of the Big Three Republicans in the immigration reform debate: Marco Rubio, John McCain and Lindsey Graham.
But just below that senatorial trio, there’s another group of lesser-known GOP lawmakers expected to play an outsize role — both within the party and negotiating with Democrats — as Congress delves into an issue that could consume much of its bandwidth next year.
“Each of them has a unique connection to the issue,” said Ali Noorani, executive director of the National Immigration Forum. “And they all have the intellect to create a rational compromise.”
Here are POLITICO’s five key Republicans in the immigration debate:
Idaho Rep. Raul Labrador
This freshman with rock-solid conservative credentials is high on the list of likely partners for Democrats on any immigration overhaul. Labrador certainly has the expertise; he practiced immigration law for years and started his own practice. And the Puerto Rico native, who moved to the mainland as a teenager with his single mother, brings a compelling personal tale to the debate.
Rep. Luis Gutierrez (D-Ill.), a leading advocate for immigration reform, singled out Labrador as one of the best Republican allies for Democrats in any effort to overhaul immigration laws.
“Raul has the temperament, he has clear tea party credentials, he has a background on immigration and he wants to get this done,” Gutierrez said. “When I talk to Republicans, the one person they say I should talk to is Raul Labrador.”
Still, Labrador is at odds with Democrats who want immigration reform to be done in a comprehensive package that includes a pathway to citizenship for the estimated 11 million to 12 million illegal immigrants.
Labrador prefers a piecemeal approach. He said legislation to grant visas to certain high-skilled foreigners — which passed the House last month but has stalled because the White House and Senate Democrats believe it should be part of a larger bill — was a good place to begin. And Labrador opposes a pathway to citizenship.
“I think it’s a mistake for us to reward people who are here illegally with a pathway to citizenship,” Labrador said in a recent interview. “Because then, citizenship becomes meaningless.”
Utah Sen. Mike Lee
Lee isn’t convinced that tackling immigration reform will improve his party’s standing with Latino voters.
But the freshman, who has quietly made himself a player on immigration in his young Senate tenure, is pressing for reform nonetheless. He says the current system facilitates illegal immigration but makes legal entry into the United States too difficult.
“I do see a lot of motivation on both sides of the aisle on this,” Lee said. “People are finally getting beyond their almost superstitious unwillingness to approach the idea of immigration reform.”
Though he’s firmly part of the Republican Party’s conservative wing, Lee paired up with Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) last year on immigration legislation intended to attract foreign investors to buy property in the U.S. and help jolt the housing market. He is also part of a new, bipartisan group of eight senators, who have started discussions on immigration reform.
The politics of immigration in Lee’s home state also plays a critical role. In 2011, Utah’s Republican-led state Legislature passed a package of immigration laws that’s been characterized as a pragmatic compromise: It allows work permits for illegal immigrants but also calls for law enforcement to check the citizenship status of those arrested on felonies and certain misdemeanors.
Though the enforcement provision now faces a court challenge, Utah’s statute is hailed by immigration advocates as a potential national model for comprehensive reform.
“Utah’s role in the immigration debate in the last two years has been incredible,” Noorani said. “They were at a crossroads in 2010. They could’ve gone down the path of Arizona, or forged their own path.”
Arizona Sen.-elect Jeff Flake
Flake, the incoming junior senator from a key border state, has a deep background in bipartisan efforts to reform immigration.
The well-known fiscal conservative teamed up with Gutierrez to release a comprehensive proposal five years ago. The so-called STRIVE Act called for increased border security, an employer verification system, a new temporary worker program and a broad set of prerequisites — such as paying fines and back taxes and meeting English proficiency requirements — before undocumented immigrants could become legalized.
Border security is a top priority for Flake, who has represented Arizona in Congress since 2001.
“One thing we learned [from the 2007 debate] is that the situation along the border — in Arizona in particular — is so bad that it made it impossible to move ahead” until border security was dealt with, Flake said in a recent interview.
Flake, who sources indicate is also a member of the bipartisan Senate immigration group, said there are certain things any comprehensive reform proposal must include: border security and verification systems for employers, a plan for temporary workers and a way to deal with those who are in the country illegally.
“A lot of the Democrats and the unions don’t like the temp worker part of it so the only way to get that is including the mechanism to deal with those who are here illegally,” Flake said. “It’s probably easier to do.”
Florida Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart
Diaz-Balart announced days after the election that he would resume efforts to push immigration reform through Congress — and he’s been talking with congressional Democrats and Republicans to make sure it gets done. His speediness was intentional: Diaz-Balart knows the political will is there now, but that window of opportunity could close fast.
“It’s an uphill battle still,” Diaz-Balart said in an interview. But “I think there are a number of people on both sides of the aisle who realize that we have to get it done, and that realize it’s an issue that has been lingering for way too long.
“If we don’t do it in the first year, then you’re back into a congressional election cycle,” he added. “That just complicates everything.”
Diaz-Balart and his brother, former Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart (R-Fla.), are longtime advocates of reform. They were two of the few House GOP votes in favor of the DREAM Act, which passed the House in the 2010 lame-duck session but failed to clear the Senate.
Mario Diaz-Balart said more lawmakers are eager to undertake immigration reform than at any other time in his decade on Capitol Hill.
“People recognize that there has to be a real, permanent solution,” Diaz-Balart said, and “that we have to fix what is broken, which is everything.”
Virginia Rep. Bob Goodlatte
The 10-term lawmaker is the incoming chairman of the Judiciary Committee, which has jurisdiction over immigration. He, like Labrador, has a background in immigration law.
Goodlatte said one of his goals is to create a “fair immigration system that works for America.” He favors an enforcement-based approach and backs efforts such as E-Verify, an online database that matches information submitted by employees to records from the Department of Homeland Security and the Social Security Administration.
He also opposes so-called amnesty for undocumented immigrants seeking a path to legalization and has expressed strong support for laws in the mold of SB 1070 in Arizona. He submitted legal briefs in court challenges to the controversial measure, arguing that states have the right to enforce immigration laws.
Goodlatte’s legal acumen has earned compliments from colleagues.
“Goodlatte is a phenomenal lawyer,” said Rep. Trey Gowdy (R-S.C.), who serves on the Judiciary panel with Goodlatte. “You cannot watch him in committee and not draw the conclusion that he is very, very prepared. He is either a genius, or incredibly prepared.”
Goodlatte also has the task of choosing the chairman of the panel’s immigration subcommittee, left vacant by the retirement of Rep. Elton Gallegly (R-Calif.). Gallegly skipped over Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) two years ago to lead the subcommittee, even though King — a well-known hard-liner on illegal immigration — had more seniority on the panel.