Focus on NATO

1. Statement on NATO-Russia consultations

2. North Atlantic Council meets in special Ministerial Session - New US Secretary of State takes part

3. NATO Secretary General addresses Council of Europe

4. VCC Seminar with Cooperation Partners

5. Richard Holbrooke receives first Manfred Wörner Medal

6. Note to readers concerning documentation

1

This year - 1997 - marks the 50th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. It thus marks half a century of a distinct vision of an Atlantic Community - a vision which set in motion the successful European-North American partnership represented by NATO and made possible the European integration process. This year, very fittingly, will also see a NATO Summit in Madrid in July. The Summit will most obviously bring together the various strands of a NATO adaptation process which began at the onset of this decade. Yet, the Summit will not only define the shape of a new NATO. It will, to a significant extent, set the tone for a new Europe - for the 21st century.

2

The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has a unique role to play in addressing the concerns of all states with a stake in European security. The Final Document of the OSCE Lisbon Summit of 2-3 December 1996 articulated a vision of a common security space for Europe free of dividing lines and in which all states are equal partners. This concept, central to the OSCE philosophy, was elaborated upon in the Document's "Declaration on a Common and Comprehensive Security Model for Europe for the 21st Century" and in its "Framework for Arms Control". These initiatives are designed to contribute to the ongoing development of a viable security architecture for Europe.

3

Senator Roth, President of the North Atlantic Assembly (NAA), argues that opening Alliance membership to new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe can help transform the region into a cornerstone of enduring peace and stability, offer the best possible hedge against post-Cold War security risks, and provide the indispensable bedrock for continued democratic and market reform. Building on its five-year record of encouragement for a wider NATO, the NAA will have a special role, in close partnership with the Alliance, in assuring informed and prompt approval of new NATO membership in the parliaments of both present and future allies.

4

NATO enlargement is a dual imperative, according to the author: it is necessary as an anchor of stability in an uncertain Europe, and it is vital to NATO's own continued existence. However, while NATO enlargement is an essential element of the European equation, so is Russia. If allied leaders intend enlargement as a means to enhance stability on the continent and not as a deterrent against Russia, then Russia's role in European security must be guaranteed through a formal institutional link with NATO, and not just a 'charter'. Only then will it be possible to say that the Alliance has assumed its new role, for its own sake and for the sake of Europe.

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5

The international peacekeeping mission in Bosnia, beginning with last year's Implementation Force (IFOR), which has since been replaced by the Stabilization Force (SFOR), will undoubtedly go down in history as an instance of successful action by the world community in putting an end to a military conflict. The experience of cooperation between the military contingents of Russia, NATO and other states within the multinational forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina is a reflection of the profound changes in the military and political situation in Europe. This joint operation shows that NATO and Russia can work together and achieve peaceful goals through military cooperation. Although the author argues that NATO's enlargement remains the chief obstacle to broader cooperation, he is hopeful for the future of NATO-Russia relations.

6

Five years ago, a terrible conflict exploded in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The diplomatic clout of the European Union was coupled with the peacekeeping experience of the United Nations in a concerted attempt to alleviate the suffering and restore the peace. However, intensive political efforts and brave humanitarian intervention could not extinguish the conflagration. Over the following years, NATO was increasingly called upon as the instrument by which the international community sought to contain and ultimately end the conflict. NATO's growing involvement played a crucial part in bringing peace to Bosnia and also fulfilled an important role in bringing change to the Alliance. This article explores these two themes and draws some conclusions for NATO's future.

8

Sub-regional organizations were set up at the end of the Cold War to help fill a political vacuum and restart economic cooperation. Preliminary conclusions of a research project by the Institute for EastWest Studies (IEWS), which looked at six such organizations, indicate that they continue to make a contribution to the stability and security of the Euro-Atlantic area and that there is a strong synergy between the sub-regional process and integration. The IEWS therefore proposes that the larger European organizations, including NATO, should articulate policies which more clearly support the sub-regions. The author is a British diplomat spending two years special unpaid leave as Vice-President responsible for the European Security Programme at the IEWS in New York. The opinions expressed in this article are her own and should not be seen as representing official British policy or the views of IEWS.

9

This article follows on those written by Chris Donnelly in the last two issues of the NATO Review. It offers another view of what it means to achieve healthy civil-military relations and democratic control of the armed forces. It looks at various problems related to that effort, such as how long it takes to make progress and how to measure it. It also illustrates some of the activities that NATO and partners are developing in this sphere. It argues that achieving democratic control of the military is not a rigidly structured endeavour, but rather a long process, which is difficult to measure and does not lead to universally definable results. Nonetheless, it remains an indispensable task for new and old democracies alike.