The world has changed.
The threats have changed.
So has NATO.
We need and we will have
a Strategic Concept
that takes account of today’s realities
and tomorrow’s challenges as well.
As NATO prepares a future vision,
this is an opportunity to change
what NATO does and how it does it.
This organisation is in need of reform.
We need the Secretary General
to be empowered
with some discretion
over people, over funds
and the ability to really pursue
the path that the Concept sets out.
Some target the bureaucracy at NATO
as a key area needing change.
When you have
400 committees to run
what is in essence one council,
you have problem.
Do we really need all the committees
that all the NATO insiders
have to sit in every day?
Probably not. They have to go
to seventeen meetings every day,
so they have less time
to actually sit back, relax,
and think through their positions
on the major issues of a day.
Fundamental reform, re-looking at
how this organisation does business
in a different world, in which
the need for agile and quick decisions
based on quality analysis
is high on the agenda,
ought to be part of what we're trying
to do. No more business as usual.
And the concept could help NATO
become again a place, or the place,
where key consultations take place.
We stopped using NATO
as a political forum.
We assumed
where we disagree so vehemently
that it makes no point to go
to Brussels to reach a consensus.
Another consequence is that we
don't spend enough money on NATO
because we don’t feel that
the alliance is addressing our threats
because allies have
such diverging visions on NATO.
NATO has lost its function
as being the key transatlantic forum
for discussion on strategic concerns,
threats and interests.
One thing we would like
to see happen in NATO
is that this becomes a body
that once again becomes the place
in which the members take their
concerns for international security,
start discussing them, consult about
how to act and perhaps forge actions.
The Concept should make clear
that the alliance isn't just a place
where we agree military standards,
from which we command operations,
when we cross the threshold
into launching a mission.
It should also make clear that NATO
is first and foremost a political body,
in which we sit down and talk,
not just about threats and concerns
that might cross the article 5
treshold,
but also a whole range
of other things that trouble us.
What are the areas that the Concept
could change in NATO’S make-up?
The first one is the proper balance
between the operations,
and second,
the proper balance in views
among the bigger
and smaller countries
to make sure
that this is our Strategic Concept,
that each member state can identify
itself with it. That’s very important.
The most important thing it is,
it has to do is to...
...to re-activate
the transatlantic grand bargain
which we had
over decades in the Cold War.
The North Americans do something
for the Europeans and vice versa.
One thing you would want to be
very careful of is not creating sort of
first and second tier NATO
citizenship.
We’re all in the fight together.
We’re all in these operations together.
The nature of the threat these days,
is a 360-degree battlefield.
What could this mean
for relations with partners?
For example how could it impact
on the NATO Russia council?
I think that we have to re-enforce it
seriously, and not by bureaucrats,
because,
to the best of my knowledge,
people whom I met
in both embassies in Brussels,
one in NATO embassy
and another one EU embassy,
they are qualified, good diplomats.
What we need is a lot more
of young, very well educated,
Western-trained,
in terms of legalities, experts.
But this cross-fertilisation
should take place now.
And if we do it the same way
in NATO-Russian negotiations
in the council and in the EU-Russian
negotiation and cooperation
and partnership agreement,
we will reach better results.