Wednesday, March 03, 2010

Emu Payback?

Via AP, yesterday:
A mad emu gave deputies a Texas-sized hard time. El Paso authorities say the big bird was running loose Tuesday, snarling rush-hour traffic near Interstate 10 and attacking deputies trying to restrain it. Deputies with the El Paso County Sheriff's Office tried to prevent the tall, flightless bird from running into traffic. But when deputies neared the emu, it became aggressive and slashed one deputy's pant leg.

The deputy was not seriously injured.

The emu died as it was being transported to an animal control shelter. The cause of death was not immediately known.

Hmmmm ... Publicly attacking Sheriff's deputies then mysteriously dying during transport on the way to the hoosgow. Except for the emu part, the story sounds eerily familiar. Payback's a bitch, I guess, even for flightless birds. ;)

Just kidding, folks: I have no knowledge of the incident beyond these few lines and am NOT accusing deputies of intentionally killing the animal. But it sure must have been quite a scene.


BONUS EMU STORY: Part of why this story struck me as humorous and blogworthy, I suppose, stems from a seldom-told story about an up close and personal encounter with an emu I had nearly 20 years ago, back when I was a cub reporter working for The Texas Observer. I was down in South Texas working on a story, in Willacy County, to be exact, and the raggedy-ass Dodge pickup I owned at the time blew a tire on the lonely, little-traveled stretch of road between Raymondville and Port Mansfield, a small fishing village across from the northern end of Padre Island. I pulled over into the ditch off the narrow, two-lane road, pulled the jack from behind the pickup seat and proceeded around to the back, passenger-side tire which had hit a nail and blown out.

In that big ol' Dodge truck, there wasn't much space between the road and the fenceline where I'd pulled over, but I paid little attention to what I assumed was a cow pasture behind me. There was plenty of space to work. So I crouched down to turn my attention toward the blown tire, and no sooner had I begun to place the jack, I was bitten sharply, twice in succession, bang, bang, really hard in the arm and the shoulder, with a loud squawk following each of the rapid-fire attacks. Stunned and confused, I turned and rose just in time to see an image much like the photo above headed straight toward my face as the emu (one of a pack now gathered behind the fence) fired his long neck forward again, this time biting the side of my face and drawing blood.

I stumbled away in near-disbelief. After I regained my composure, I tried to warily return to the tire changing task, but the fence was way too close and the bird(s) were, for whatever reason, openly hostile and threatening. It just wasn't going to happen. I finally dodged in, risking but avoiding another nip from the bird to grab the jack and tire iron, but in avoiding the nip I lost my hat - just a cheap gimme cap from some long-forgotten vendor, which now lay right next to the fenceline where the flock of menacing birds were stationed. I looked for a moment at my hat, looked back at the birds, resigned myself to their victory, then climbed into the driver's seat of the truck to make a U-turn, blown tire and all, to the other side of the road. I fixed the flat there, with the angry flock of emu staring me down the whole time from across the way. Never did retrieve that cap.

I've thought ever since then that emu might make for a nice pair of boots one day.

Like I said, payback is a bitch.

On the limits of surveillance cameras for crime reduction

Security guru Bruce Schneier had a recent column for CNN on the limits of security benefits from surveillance cameras in public spaces. It covers much ground traversed on Grits in the past, but states (and sources) the arguments especially well. Here's a taste:

Pervasive security cameras don't substantially reduce crime. This fact has been demonstrated repeatedly: in San Francisco public housing, in a New York apartment complex, in Philadelphia, in Washington, DC, in study after study in both the U.S. and the U.K. Nor are they instrumental in solving many crimes after the fact.

There are exceptions, of course, and proponents of cameras can always cherry-pick examples to bolster their argument. These success stories are what convince us; our brains are wired to respond more strongly to anecdotes than to data. But the data is clear: CCTV cameras have minimal value in the fight against crime.

While it's comforting to imagine vigilant police monitoring every camera, the truth is very different, for a variety of reasons: technological limitations of cameras, organizational limitations of police, and the adaptive abilities of criminals. No one looks at most CCTV footage until well after a crime is committed. And when the police do look at the recordings, it's very common for them to be unable to identify suspects. Criminals don't often stare helpfully at the lens, and -- unlike the Dubai assassins -- tend to wear sunglasses and hats. Cameras break far too often. Even when they afford quick identification -- think of the footage of the 9/11 terrorists going through airport security, or the 7/7 London transport bombers just before the bombs exploded -- police are often able to identify those suspects even without the cameras. Cameras afford a false sense of security, encouraging laziness when we need police to be vigilant. ...

But the important question isn't whether cameras solve past crime or deter future crime; it's whether they're a good use of resources. They're expensive, both in money and their Orwellian effects on privacy and civil liberties. Their inevitable misuse is another cost: police have already spied on naked women in their own homes, shared nude images, sold best-of videos, and spied on national politicians. While we might be willing to accept these downsides for a real increase in security, cameras don't provide that. Despite our predilection for preferring technological solutions over human ones, the funds now spent on CCTV cameras would be far better spent on hiring and training police officers.

Anyone interested in serious, high-end thinking about security issues, btw, should be aware of Schneier, whose blog and books have influenced my own thinking quite a bit on several subjects, including this one.

Cameras have been tested to the Nth degree in places like London, where you literally can't walk outside in most parts of the city without being captured on government surveillance. Bottom line: Cameras in public spaces don't reduce crime. They are effective in limited, well-defined circumstances: To protect specific, high-value assets, and then only when combined with other factors like adequate lighting, human monitoring of the cameras and the capability for rapid response. But for all the reasons cited by Schneier, the practice of police monitoring cameras in pubic spaces to prevent crime has in practice been more bane than boon.

See related Grits posts:

Tuesday, March 02, 2010

Divisions among Governor, legislators over airport-style security at Texas capitol entrances

Reporting on the same state senate hearing described in this Grits post last week, the Texas Tribune's Brandi Grissom today notes that Gov. Perry is not on board with the Department of Public Safety's plans to install metal detectors and x-rays at entrances to the capitol:
Gov. Rick Perry and his chosen leader of the state Department of Public Safety fundamentally disagree about how to secure the Capitol in the wake of a January shooting that rattled those who work under the dome and prompted renewed calls for stricter safety measures.

DPS Director Steve McCraw has been collaborating with legislative leaders on a security improvement plan since a gunman fired shots on the Capitol grounds Jan. 21. The plan, which will be presented to state officials later this month, includes placing X-ray machines and metal detectors at Capitol entrances. While McCraw and some state senators argue the increased protective measures are critical, Perry and others in the Legislature worry such security hurdles would make the Capitol unwelcoming to the public.

Seemingly lost in all the hoopla over metal detectors at capitol entrances are the bigger threats beyond the pink granite walls. The fellow at the capitol in January who was angry at state Sen. Dan Patrick's staffer fired off shots outside, so metal detectors would do nothing to stop that. In fact, as I pointed out in that earlier post, when crowds are heaviest in spring of odd years, metal detectors risk creating more targets for outdoor gunmen while an ocean of tourists, schoolchildren, lobbyists and staff wait to be checked by security.

Grissom also reports that "At an April 2009 hearing of the Senate Transportation and Homeland Security, a man named Clay Laird told Carona, chairman of the committee, that if he and other legislators didn’t clamp down on illegal immigration they would hear from him later at their homes." But once again, the threat of harm wasn't inside the capitol and if someone came to the senator's home, those metal detectors won't protect them. This solution does not match - and perhaps even exacerbates - the problems being described.

My own views are closest to those expressed at the end of the story by:
State Rep. Charlie Geren, R-Fort Worth, chairman of the House Administration Committee, who is working with McCraw and other legislators on the security plan, [who] said they hope to agree on and implement new safety measures before the start of the 2011 legislative session. Geren said he’s not sold on the idea of X-ray machines and metal detectors, either. Nothing lawmakers do inside the Capitol, he said, is going to keep “some idiot” from shooting his gun outside the building. “No matter what we do, we can’t stop a stupid guy from being stupid,” Geren said. “You can’t legislate stupidity.”
UPDATE: Steven Polunsky, who is committee director for the Senate Transportation and Homeland Security Committee, asked if I'd publish this addendum reacting to this post:
1. True, the recent shooter fired his weapon outside the Capitol. But, he had it on him when he was in Senator Patrick's office.

2. True, the threat our Committee members received was verbally about their homes, but that is not the issue. The salient point is that the witness clearly threatened the members, and a witness willing to do that who is sitting a few feet away from the panel has all it takes - motive, opportunity, and means. Also, the hearing was in the Extension.

I think you may have a good argument about lines forming outside the Capitol, but your attempt to reduce the nature of the threat inside the Capitol is off.
My reaction: First, I appreciate Mr. Polunsky's response. However, anyone can spin out hypotheticals, but all this security theater being suggested was spurred by specific threats that wouldn't have been deterred by metal detectors, which can't stop gunmen firing of a weapon outside the building or seeking out legislators at their homes. It doesn't minimize possible threats inside the capitol (which is already larded with armed troopers) to point out that all the examples being used to justify more invasive capitol security wouldn't have been prevented by the measures proposed.

Central Unit trusty broke out of, and back into, prison 70 times for shopping trips

More detail from Mike Ward at the Statesman on what's apparently a chronic problems with prisonsers walking off the Central Unit in Sugarland to shop at a nearby Walmart (you can't make this stuff up):

Prison officials never knew he was gone.

And after they were tipped to the late-night trip, officials confirmed Monday, they had to verify the escape by viewing the store's surveillance camera system — which was much better than the one the prison has.

Authorities said they were investigating reports that Skyler Steddum, 19, might have made as many as 70 such shopping trips from Sugar Land's Central Unit, where he was a trusty in a part of the prison without fences.

It was the latest security breach in Texas prisons since officials promised improved security 16 months ago, after a death-row convict used a smuggled cell phone to call a state senator.

"He went out on Tuesday. We didn't find out about it until Friday night, when somebody inside the prison snitched him off," said John Moriarty, inspector general for the Texas Department of Criminal Justice, who is overseeing the investigation. "He bought smokeless tobacco and cigarettes. I don't know how much."

This incident provides a security rationale for arguing the Central Unit should be closed, in addition to the economic ones I've discussed in the past.

Breaking out and back into prison 70 times - that's got to approach some kind of record

Funding for research needed as much as oversight to validate forensic sciences

Calling for "oversight" can improve public confidence in the short term, but it's not a panacea for every public policy mess. Sometimes instead, or at least in addition, government actually must focus resources to solve a problem instead of merely "monitor" the continuing failure of existing public policies.

That's why I've come to think some of the solutions championed by reformers aimed at reducing forensic errors, including many folks I've worked with, and whose opinions I respect, somewhat conveniently ignore the depth of the crisis of credibility exposed by the National Research Council of the National Academy of Sciences, and simply don't go far enough. As an example, John Terzano from the Justice Project has a column at Fire Dog Lake titled "Meaningful Oversight Necessary for Forensic Science" which essentially champions adding layers of bureaucracy for "oversight" and "accreditation" at crime labs "to ensure the objectivity and reliability of forensic science." He concludes:
the integrity of forensic evidence is too important to outsource oversight and quality standards entirely to professional trade organizations. Accreditation and professional certification are important first steps, but the responsibility for setting and ensuring quality standards, objectivity and independence ultimately resides with the state itself. A full solution will need to include more structural reform.

One of these crucial steps is the creation of an independent oversight commission, staffed and funded to more closely supervise the work of forensic labs. This type of commission could set statewide quality standards that could build on the baseline afforded by professional associations, and could provide more rigorous, ongoing oversight to ensure that labs actually operate in a way that is consistent with the standards that exist on paper. Shifting forensic labs out from under the control of law enforcement agencies would address the subtle biases that can emerge when forensic workers see themselves on the law enforcement "team" instead of dispassionate and objective scientists. These safeguards and others are outlined in The Justice Project’s policy review Improving the Practices and Use of Forensic Science, and will help to ensure the objectivity and reliability of forensic testing and analysis.

Reliable forensic science is vital, and by making sure that the evidence is objective and valid, we will have a more efficient criminal justice system. Fixing these problems on the front end will reduce the chances that the state will have to spend more money and resources to correct the mistakes and injustices caused by forensic errors. At a time when California, along with the rest of the nation, is dealing with financial restraints, it is all the more imperative that legislators in all states make these improvements a priority. Forensic science can be a powerful tool, and meaningful structural reform is the only way to ensure that the best science is used in our courts.

Unfortunately, according to the NAS report, much so-called "forensic science" isn't really science-based at all but relies on subjective comparisons by people that have higher error rates than had been heretofore acknowledged.

Ironically, the issue came to light because of the development of DNA testing technology, which really an identify an individual to a scientific certainty (though there are still questions about how many points should be "matched" to get a completely reliable result). DNA testing technology was the result of years of rigorous research relying on the scientific method. With few exceptions (including the qualified exception of identifying controlled substances), that's not true of much of what goes on at the crime lab.

By comparison, many traditionally accepted forensic discipines such as fingerprints, handwriting analysis, toolmark comparisons, polygraph examination, tire-print matching, dog-scent lineups, and until recently, arson investigations, may really have no scientific basis at all because they were developed by cops, not scientists, and either have not been subjected to rigorous testing or in some cases (as with the polygraph and debunked arson theories) did not withstand it. These investigative methods have been used for years but remain essentially untested and in most cases courts don't even know their error rates. Maybe they work well, maybe they don't, but they've never been independently tested using the scientific method so nobody really knows.

In that context, what's to oversee? Perhaps some labs are sloppy. Maybe some are corrupt. Maybe some don't follow best practices. Maybe some need more independence from investigators. Maybe some have one or two bad apples who intentionally skew results. Certainly regulation could help with those problems.

But none of that changes the fact that some of the subjective comparison work done at crime labs has unacceptably high error rates. Some of it even qualifies as "junk science," even if courts over the years have held them to be reliable. No amount of oversight, however well-intentioned, can fix that problem, any more than "oversight" could ensure the quality of work by a voodoo priestess.

The missing component here is that verifiable, peer-reviewed scientific research actually needs to be performed on the validity of long-used forensic techniques, which eventually must be either validated or discarded. That's the stark reality facing forensic science today: It's a field surrounded by more questions about its validity than mere oversight can fix.

The hitch: if research must be performed, it must be funded, and nobody wants to talk about spending more research dollars when budget times are tight. In a recent roundup, I'd quoted a story from the nation's largest forensic science conference in Seattle, whose focus much more than Terzano was on the dearth of funding to rectify the research vacuum:

"The theme of this meeting is 'Putting our house in order,' " said Thomas Bohan, the physicist-turned-forensics-expert who leads the 6,000-member organization.

A National Academy of Sciences (NAS) panel concluded last year that analysis of bite marks, blood spatters, handwriting and even fingerprints is not backed by the type of rigorous evidence that is standard in other scientific disciplines.

"The dominant message here ... is that the emperor really doesn't have all his clothes on," said Donald Kennedy, former president of Stanford University and an organizer of the NAS review.

Bohan said most forensic scientists have taken that message to heart.

The White House Office of Science and Technology Policy established a forensic-science subcommittee, and legislation will be introduced in Congress next month to bolster research and oversight of crime labs. But Bohan is impatient for progress.

"Everybody is talking about what to do," he said.

The Department of Justice (DOJ) is beginning to fund fundamental research in several areas, including ballistics and fire-debris analysis, said Michael Sheppo, leader of the forensic sciences at DOJ's research arm.

One project will seek to determine the error rate in fingerprint analysis — an area where law-enforcement experts had long insisted their record was perfect.

"That's a statement no scientist could accept," said Paul Giannelli, a legal-forensics expert at Case Western Reserve University School of Law.

Federal funding would be great, and I'm fairly confident it will come, eventually, though it hasn't been an Obama Administration priority. In reality, though, this isn't just a problem for the Department of Justice but for every level of government that relies on or operates crime labs, which is all of them involved with the justice system. Arguably, every crime lab should have their own research budget to evaluate their own work as they go. The task will require years-long commitment from state governments, the nonprofit sector, and in some cases even international cooperation through the UN and other multinational institutions. And it will not be completed tomorrow, or next year, or even five years from now, but really amounts to a gaping hole in scientific knowledge.

In particular, the Texas Department of Public Safety's crime lab system is large enough - and law enforcement relies upon it so heavily - that the state of Texas should fund independent, university-level research of its own accord. There's no excuse for waiting on the feds to make sure that our own state's crime-lab work is unimpeachably valid.

Outside of needed but unlikely legislative appropriations, the most obvious source of resources for this may be federal grants administered through the Governor's office. The state receives only one federal grant - $779,670 from the Coverdell grant program - that's specifically devoted to forensic science. But the Governor has access to other large pots of money that could also be spent on crime labs if his office chose to do so.

In the recent past, those monies have gone by the millions for the TDEX database, which is Texas' mega-database version of "total information awareness," for useless webcams along the border and for grants to border sheriffs that are mostly used to pay patrol officers overtime. But in the wake of the NAS report, the Governor's Criminal Justice Division would be wise going forward to shift a large chunk of that funding toward basic research in the forensic sciences.

Indeed, as with every crisis there is also an opportunity here. The NAS report set off what will inevitably become a once-in-a-generation reevaluation of forensic science, an Herculean task which will in all likelihood take a decade or two to fully flesh out. This research will be the subject of both federal and private grants and it'd be great if some Texas institution were to position itself as a leader on the subject, a development that would be much more likely if the Governor's Criminal Justice Division agreed to collaborate with other funding partners to leverage such an institute's startup.

That research could happen at some UT or A&M branch, or perhaps even represents an opportunity for smaller, corrections-oriented Sam Houston State, if they chose to seize it. A university which assembled the talent and expertise to vet forensics using verifiable, peer-reviewed methods would both perform the whole justice system a great service, set itself up for a seemingly inevitable spike in research funding in the area, and make a name for itself internationally in a critically important, cutting edge field.

Oversight is important and I don't want to diminish the need for greater regulation and more well-defined, evidence-based standards in forensic disciplines. But it can't substitute for actually knowing thanks to research and evidence that the methods overseen are actually valid in the first place.

Monday, March 01, 2010

Defendant: 'I plead guilty'; Prosecutor: 'We're going to trial'

If a defendant pleads guilty to all charges without a plea bargain, leaving their sentence entirely to the court, why would a prosecutor ever demand a jury trial?

Bill Baumbach at the Collin County Observer describes a case from his neck of the woods where prosecutors have done precisely that, refusing to accept a guilty plea to insist that the defendant be taken to trial instead. Texas 5th Court of Appeals said prosecutors are not required to accept a guilty plea. Baumbach writes:

Picture this -- a man is arrested for let's say burglary and is brought before a judge who asks him if he understands the charges. "Yes, your honor and I want to plead guilty", replies the accused.

But then the District Attorney jumps up with, "We object. The people demand a jury trial".

"But I'm guilty. I did it and I'll accept my sentence.", replies the accused. "No matter, the State demands a jury trial, and we will have one", the prosecutor declares.

In Texas and especially in Collin County this actually happens. The judge is then forced to send out jury summons to 100 or more citizens, who take time off of work to come to court. A jury is chosen, sworn in and seated. The man is brought back into court and once again says, "your honor, I plead guilty, and I ask that you, the judge, set punishment." The Jury is sent home, and the man sentenced.

Not a very efficient way to run a court, is it?

Last week, in a Collin County case, the Texas 5th Court of Appeals overturned a visiting judge who refused to allow the DA to force a jury trial, when the defendant asked to plead guilty.

In an excellent earlier post, Baumbach suggested an array of possible motives for why prosecutors might do such thing (and perhaps prosecutors reading this blog can suggest others he missed). The judge believed the motive was forum shopping so a different judge would sentence the defendant:

There are several possible reasons. One is exactly what Judge McCraw was charging. That the District Attorney wants to control which judge sets punishment. In Blackburn's case, Judge McCraw, after accepting the guilty pleas, would then set a date for a punishment hearing. The judge at that punishment hearing, and the one who would set punishment, would be Judge Jill Willis. (A jury trial date had already been set - the trial would have been heard by the visiting judge).

So McCraw was accusing the DA of not wanting Judge Willis to determine the punishment. And he was accusing the DA's office of wasting county money, and jurors' time to do so.

The Collin County Observer has talked with several local defense attorneys. They all told the Observer they believe that the Collin County District Attorney does not want certain judges to set punishment. One of those judges is the newly appointed Judge Willis.

Another possible reason for the DA to refuse to permit a bench trial is rooted in the policies of the Collin County District Attorney's office. Sources who know the system have told the Observer that in this county, a prosecutor's performance is rated primarily by one metric -- the percentage of jury trials resulting in a guilty verdict. Any prosecutor who does not maintain at least a passing average, will not be employed by the county for long. Promotions and raises are all largely based on this win percentage of jury trials.

Prosecutors therefore have an incentive to plea bargain the difficult to prove cases and to take to a jury the slam dunk, easy cases -- even if the trial is just a 'sham'.

Earlier this year, Harris County floated an idea that would be another reason for the State to object to a jury trial waiver - they wanted new, young prosecutors to get more trial experience. They wanted to force defendants to go before a jury so that the States attorney could practice on easy cases. That idea was finally shot down after a howl of protests from the defense bar.

In the Blackburn case, Judge McCraw made his opinion clear. At one point he told Mr. Rolater, "I think we ought to clarify it for the appellate court. As I say, if they want to be involved in forum shopping, fine. Let them do it.... I think the Constitution of the United States allows an individual to enter a plea to the duly appointed judge. That's all I've attempted to do here."

I can't think of many reasons beyond those to explain this particular exercise of prosecutorial discretion, and even they're slim reeds to justify such a pointless, extravagant waste of jurors' time, not to mention court and jail resources. The DA should plead the cases before the judges elected to hear them, not manipulate the process to get the judge they want, nor waste the court's time in search of notches on trial lawyers' belt or training baby prosecutors.

I'm sure nobody keeps statistics on how often prosecutors refuse guilty pleas to the charges grand juries bring, but if the courts find no legal requirement that prosecutors accept a guilty plea, perhaps the Legislature should create one.

MORE: See a related string from the user forum of the Texas District and County Attorneys Association on the question of forcing jury trials when a defendant has pled guilty to all charges. Thanks to Jaime Spencer for dredging it up.

Which prison units should Texas close? Private contracts, security concerns may factor in

After Nicole at Texas Prison Bidness suggested private prison contracts might end up on the chopping block in light of Texas' massive budget shortfall predicted by the next legislative session, I asked the Department of Criminal Justice which private prison contracts will be up in the coming year. Here's the list:



A couple of notable contracts stand out as potential candidates for cuts.

For starters, the Mineral Wells facility was the one unit state Senate Criminal Justice Committee Chairman John Whitmire is interested in closing, and for security reasons, not because of the budget. The contract for that troubled facility ends conveniently around a month after the next legislative session starts, meaning there's a lot of time for budget pressures to build between now and then. What's more, the Board of Pardons and Parole hasn't really been using the Mineral Wells facility the way it was intended, so there's no special reason to keep it opened compared to, say, Intermediate Sanctions Facilities on the list.

Equally interesting to me is the fact that the Dawson State Jail's contract with Corrections Corporation of America is up for renewal next January. This ill-placed facility is located in downtown Dallas on the banks of the Trinity River in prime real estate the city hopes to redevelop. So the fact that Dawson's contract ends on January 15, 2011 is a significant date for the city of Dallas: If the state renews the contract, the proposed riverfront redevelopment could be put on hold indefinitely.

It's possible, then, we may see members of the Dallas delegation and related development interests pushing for non-renewal, though certainly CCA will have its own lobbyists on the other side.

Finally, since we're discussing factors that might make prison closures likely, the Central Unit in Sugarland had a security breach over the weekend resulting in a lockdown after an inmate walked off the unit to get a pack of cigarettes at a nearby convenience store before returning to the facility. The unit was already on the short list of TDCJ facilities plagued with contraband, and this incident perhaps demonstrates why! (MORE: From Click2Houston, "Prison inmate leaves, goes to Walmart")

Regular readers will recall that the local Chamber of Commerce crowd wants the Central Unit moved because it's in the way of development surrounding a regional airport, and the General Land Office has said a prison is not the highest, best use of the property. Now we can add security concerns to the list of arguments for closing the century-old prison farm.

TDCJ so far has punted on suggesting priorities for prison closures, suggesting instead that the state either exempt it from cuts or slash treatment, diversion and anti-recidivism programs that would quickly fill all the units back to capacity. But legislators are discussing the idea whether TDCJ likes it or not. Once required cuts get into nine-figure levels, the temptation will be great to close older, less secure units or those in the way of regional development interests. The only other option is to cut community supervision investments which have saved the state hundreds of millions in projected new prison spending, and I doubt state officials will completely absolve TDCJ from any cuts at all.

'Seat belts for thee but not for me'; Unbuckled police pay with their lives

Nationwide, about 40% of police officers killed in auto accidents on the job weren't wearing their seatbelts, according to an excellent story by Moises Mendoza at the Houston Chronicle ("Unbuckled but unbowed," March 1). What's more, because of conservative data definitions used by the paper, the 40% number significantly "undercounts the number of officers killed while unbuckled." Reports Mendoza:
It's impossible to know how many of those officers could have been saved if they had buckled up, although one study says officers were nearly three times more likely to die in car crashes with their belts off.

But officers and administrators say police culture can sometimes discourage their use.

Some officers worry that their belts could hinder them if they have to exit quickly to confront a suspect — a seat belt can easily get tangled on a holster. Others fret they'll be unable to control violent prisoners while buckled up.

Police-related Internet forums offer tricks for disabling seat belt alarms and for avoiding supervisors who monitor belt usage by officers on patrol.

“The average police officer thinks most cops get killed by felons, and that's not true. Cops are getting killed in traffic accidents,” said Richard Ashton, who studies traffic safety for the International Association of Chiefs of Police. “Officers don't think it can happen to them.”

During the past three years, 16 Texas police officers were shot to death, but 18 died in car and motorcycle crashes.
Overall, more than 2/3 of Texas police officer deaths on the job stem from traffic accidents, a state senate committee was told last year. (The other major cause of officer deaths is suicide - a total which dwarfs the number of traffic accidents and shootings combined.)

In addition to putting officers' lives at risk, police failing to use their seatbelts undermines their credibility with the public. This widespread acceptance among law enforcement of colleagues who flaunt the law on seatbelt use appears hypocritical in this age of "click it or ticket" media campaigns.

Officers told Mendoza they had good reasons for not using a seatbelt, but civilian drivers can make excuses too and that won't get them out of a ticket. Instead, the real reason so many cops don't use seatbelts is simple: They know other cops, including their supervisors, not only won't call them on it but will make excuses to the media if they're ever criticized for the practice. The attitude seems to be "seat belts for thee but not for me."

Timothy Cole pardon recommended: How many more false convictions are out there?

The Texas Board of Pardons and Parole has recommended a pardon for Timothy Cole, who died in prison of an asthma attack before DNA could prove he was innocent of the rape for which he was falsely convicted. Reports the Fort Worth Star-Telegram:

It would be the state's first posthumous pardon, and [Governor Rick] Perry has indicated that he would sign an order clearing Cole's name if recommended by the board.

"Gov. Perry looks forward to pardoning Tim Cole pending the receipt of a positive recommendation from the Board of Pardons and Paroles," Perry spokeswoman Allison Castle wrote in an e-mail to The Associated Press on Saturday.

Cory Session, who has been fighting to clear his brother's name for years, said he anticipates that the governor will sign Cole's pardon in March during a ceremony in Fort Worth.

"To say that the wheels of justice turn slowly would be an understatement," Session said Saturday.

"The question is: How many more Tim Coles are out there?"

Excellent question, Cory. Keep asking it!

In partial response to Session's query, Dave Mann at the Texas Observer published a column last week titled "Who gets wrongly convicted and why?," in which he broke down the causes of wrongful convictions among the first 250 DNA exonerations in the United States. (Timothy Cole is not on that list of 250 because his pardon hasn't been finally approved, but he'll be added to it soon.)

In many cases, Mann points out, more than one single error contributed to the erroneous outcome. For example, 78% of cases involved faulty eyewitness identification, but in 38% of cases, two or more witnesses made false identifications that DNA later disproved. Just over half of cases - obviously including many with faulty eyewitnesses - also included forensic errors, and just over a quarter involved false confessions.

Remarkably, seventeen DNA exonerees were released from death row, leading Mann to suggest:

That’s 17 innocent people who would have been executed had DNA testing not cleared them. You have to assume there's been an innocent person somewhere who wasn’t lucky enough to have testable DNA in their case and was wrongly executed in this country—quite possibly in Texas and quite possibly Cameron Todd Willingham.
That's an excellent point about those innocent prisoners "lucky enough to have testable DNA in their case." For a variety of reasons, DNA evidence is usually unavailable. Biological evidence only exists in 10% or less of violent crime cases, meaning that DNA would be unavailable clear innocents in the other 90% of death row inmates and others convicted of violent crimes. It seems nearly inconceivable that the error rate for the other 90% would be any lower than that for those where police happened to collect DNA at the crime scene.

Further expanding the possible number of additional, unidentified innocent prisoners out there, even when biological evidence was gathered, most jurisdictions did not keep DNA from older cases and the lion's share of exonerations (certainly in Texas) come from before DNA testing was widely available.

Even more frustrating, when jurisdictions do find batches of old evidence - as in Bexar County where the San Antonio PD found more than 5,000 untested rape kits languishing in storage - they frequently choose to test only for guilt, but do nothing to identify possible innocence cases. In Dallas, after his predecessor fought DNA testing tooth and nail, District Attorney Craig Watkins famously partnered with the Innocence Project of Texas to vet old cases after they found a similar DNA cache, a move which has afforded him national acclaim. But in Bexar County, DA Susan Reed has so far refused to follow his lead.

To honor the memory of Timothy Cole and the other 250 DNA exonerees - who Mann notes collectively spent 3,160 years in prison for crimes they didn't commit - Reed should insist on vetting cases with recently discovered DNA evidence to search for the innocent as well as the guilty. So far, the San Antonio Police Department is going through the cases looking only for evidence in unsolved stranger rapes. But if prosecutors do the work, they'll have an obligation which the police do not to turn over potentially exculpatory evidence to the defense. That's why the DA, not the cops, should take the lead.

Though Reed is a Republican and Watkins a Democrat, this is not a partisan issue in any way, shape or form. (That said, if the DA remains recalcitrant, she has a Democratic challenger in the fall so I suppose it could become one.) Instead, it's a question of whether the DA will abide by the fundamental tenet of her office: To seek justice, not just convictions. Timothy Cole's memory, much less the sacrifice of thousands of years by those 250 innocent men, demands that the justice system take responsibility for its errors and not sweep them under the rug.

Friday, February 26, 2010

Clearing the desk: Rounding up Texas justice stories

Here are a few items about which I apparently won't get around to writing full blog posts this week, despite my best intentions, but which may interest Grits readers heading into the weekend:

DNA database for infants as well as crooks?
The state appears to be backtracking now, but a lot more babies than crooks have had their DNA compiled in state databases over the last few years, reports the Texas Tribune.

Clean car, following the law = 'reasonable suspicion'? Not.
Liberty and Justice for Y'all assures us that, at least in the jurisdiction of Texas 7th Court of Appeals, "It is not a crime in this State to drive a clean car, look away from passing police officers, drive a vehicle of one's choice, obey traffic warnings, and abide by posted speed limits." Remarkably, both a state trooper and a local judge had earlier reached the opposite conclusion. Reversed and remanded. Paul Kennedy also has a good post on "When does a traffic stop become unreasonable?"

DEA Agents aren't embedded in Juarez anti-drug units
In case you were wondering.

Forensic analysts seek scientific basis for their work, find little
At the nation's largest forensic science conference in Seattle, reports the Seattle Times:

"The theme of this meeting is 'Putting our house in order,' " said Thomas Bohan, the physicist-turned-forensics-expert who leads the 6,000-member organization. ... "The dominant message here ... is that the emperor really doesn't have all his clothes on," said Donald Kennedy, former president of Stanford University and an organizer of the NAS review.

A curious murder charge
In Collin County, prosecutors took a murder case to trial after an overdose where one heroin user helped another shoot up. Reports the Dallas News Crime Blog, "Although evidence indicates that Stevie May, 21, was a willing participant in obtaining and using the heroin, prosecutors contend that in this case, the drug was a deadly weapon that Metz wielded in a 'clearly dangerous' manner."

A rare CCA victory for 'weenie wagglers'
Mark Bennett brings word of a win by his former officemate Melissa Martin at the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, which found that Harris County's longstanding standard charging language in indecent exposure cases was defective.

Law enforcement administrators losing control of deployment, promotion decisions
If I had more time and energy, I've got a rant brewing about the difficulties faced by law enforcement administrators at all levels to promote or transfer officers according to the needs of their departments, thwarted by antiquated civil service rules that value length of tenure over skills and competence and emasculate administrators. Recent cases at Austin PD and DPS reflect this trend. In Austin the chief can't name his own administrative team and at DPS, unlimited overtime has apparently become a God-given right.

'Failing to punish prosecutorial misconduct only invites more'

So argues John Terzano of the Justice Project in this editorial.

'How to really fight DWI - mass transit and neighborhood bars'
That's the headline to a post by John Lomax at the Houston Press' Hairballs' blog, who interviewed me briefly this afternoon following up on themes raised in a Grits post in January.

Obama dawdling on most Texas US Attorney appointments

Apparently the Texas delegation has sorted out its druthers regarding Texas' US Attorney nominations, and now the ball is in President Obama's court. Today he announced the nomination of Judge John B. Stevens, Jr. as the new US Attorney for the Eastern District of Texas.

Heaven only know what's holding up the other appointments. The Austin Statesman reports that Texas' senators have signed off on House Democrats' selection for the Western District:

U.S. Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Austin, said he didn't know why the White House has held up its nomination of San Antonio lawyer Michael McCrum to be U.S. attorney for the Western District of Texas, which covers 68 counties and includes Austin, San Antonio and El Paso.

"Strengthening our justice system should have a much higher priority at the White House," Doggett said. "I don't understand why the process has taken as long as it has."

The White House doesn't comment on potential or upcoming nominations.

Doggett said McCrum, who couldn't be reached, is a highly qualified candidate for the job. He's a lawyer at Thompson & Knight in San Antonio and a former chief of the major crimes unit in the San Antonio division of the U.S. attorney's office. ...

The members of the Democratic congressional delegation have been in agreement on McCrum since late last year, when they officially notified President Barack Obama about their preference.U.S. attorneys ultimately must be confirmed by the Senate, but Doggett said Texas' senators, both Republicans, support McCrum. A spokeswoman for Sen. John Cornyn confirmed the junior senator's support. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison's office didn't respond.

This has gone on way too long. We're a quarter of the way through the President's term and they still don't have US Attorney nominees? There's much that needs to be done. Surely that's the kind of thing they should have been figuring out during that much-touted transition phase after the 2008 election, but here we are in 2010 still with interim USAs in three of Texas' four districts. Please, Mr. President, get on with it already.

SCOTUS: Police can still try to interrogate you after you request a lawyer if they wait 14 days

I should at least mention an important ruling by the US Supreme Court this week that moved the goalposts significantly for defendants regarding police interrogations and the right to counsel. Via SCOTUSBlog,
The Court’s decision [Wednesday] in Maryland v. Shatzer – holding that a suspect’s request for counsel is only valid for fourteen days if the suspect is released from custody during that time – dominates today’s news coverage of the Court. Jesse J. Holland of the Associated Press, Adam Liptak of the New York Times, James Vicini of Reuters, Debra Cassens Weiss of the ABA Journal, Jurist, LA Times, and CNN.com all provide coverage of the case, as does NPR’s Nina Totenberg, whose story on the decision includes analysis by a law professor who describes the fourteen-day rule as “totally arbitrary” but ultimately a “good” one.
See also SCOTUSBlog's opinion recap. At the Volokh Conspiracy, Orin Kerr points out the obvious - that the US Constitution includes no "14-day rule," a number that was pulled out of thin air - and that the majority opinion by Justice Scalia on its face amounts to legislating from the bench. Kerr then gives an excellent, brief rendition of Scalia's 20 years of history on this subject that explains his enthusiasm for such out-of-character judicial dabbling.

I'm not a lawyer so maybe I'm missing something, but I can't help but wonder how this ruling will interact with the Court's Rothgery decision, where SCOTUS said a defendant's "initial appearance before a judicial officer, where he learns the charge against him and his liberty is subject to restriction, marks the start of adversary judicial proceedings that trigger attachment of the Sixth Amendment right to counsel." So if a defendant is assigned counsel after that initial appearance but is then released on bail, does that mean two weeks later police can now take another run at the defendant and seek a waiver in order to interrogate them outside the presence of their lawyer? That's how Scalia's opinion reads to me, but such an interpretation seems open to abuse.

Thursday, February 25, 2010

What role should crime victims play in plea bargains?

Prosecutors represent the state, not crime victims, and they're charged with seeking justice, not convictions. But the Houston Press published a feature questioning whether prosecutors should be required to notify crime victims or get their sign-off before entering into a plea deal. The Harris County DA's Office says "There is no obligation to give advance notice to all victims of plea bargains," a policy which has the Mayor's crime victim advocate Andy Kahan hopping mad.

There's a problematic conflation throughout the article of "victim's rights," which is a largely ephemeral, political idea, with legal rights of defendants accused by the state, which are enshrined in the US Constitution. The Press article is rife with examples of crime victims who say "their rights have been walked on," but those aren't legal rights, only theoretical ones the speakers think they should have. After all, as the Press notes, "The law does not provide victims any way to enforce their rights after they've been violated." And if you can't enforce a "right" when it's violated, then it isn't one - not in a legal sense, anyway.

The main example in the story probably isn't the best one for victim's rights advocates since it atypically involves a high-profile, politically connected defendant: Former US Congressman Craig Washington. His light plea deal (2 years probation) probably isn't what the average black man firing a gun at white youth could expect in Houston, regardless of the victim's wishes.

But I was interested to notice the main reason the victims say they're unhappy at Washington's plea deal: Not at the outcome but because they didn't get the chance to say their piece. The two boys who Craig Washington shot at "wanted to tell their side of the story to a jury, and made it clear to Harris County prosecutor Lynne Parsons that they didn't want to settle for a plea deal. If a jury let Washington off, so be it."

I find fascinating this overarching desire by the victims to tell their story to 12 people they do not know. Indeed, getting to tell their story, by their own account, was more important than any punishment Washington might receive. This powerful psychological need to formally, publicly speak about what happened reminds me of an analysis by restorative justice advocate Howard Zehr, which I described on Grits thusly after hearing him speak in 2007. According to Zehr:
Victims typically have many questions: Why me or why my family member? They often want to know the details of crimes, what else happened that they didn't know about, and most frequently, why the offender did what they did?

In general, said Zehr, victimization authors three crises: A crisis of identity, a crisis of relationships (who can I trust?), and crisis of meaning. Transcending these crises requires a "re-creation of meaning" of oneself and the world. They must reconfigure their lives, "re-story" their life - they must somehow create a new narrative of self.

Part of this process is encapsulating experiences of victimhood and making them part of your own story, drawing boundaries around them, trying to articulate new metaphors for self. People seldom have adequate words for this process, he said, so they use metaphors. A central part of truly restoring victims to wholeness is enabling them find new metaphors to transform their narrative of humiliation into stories of honor and vindication.

When someone wrongs us we need to be vindicated, Zehr said. Victims want to know what their own responsibility was for what happened, if any, but most importantly for offenders to take responsibility for what they did. We search for ways to replace humiliation with honor.

A particularly important insight was Zehr's observation that the failure to make victims whole contributes to future crimes, because frequently victims later victimize others. Victims become offenders when have no other outlets, he said.

To keep that from happening, victims need safety, answers, truth-telling from everyone involved (authorities as well as the offender), empowerment (which the system generally denies them) and most importantly vindication and a chance to "re-story" what happened to them in a way that lets them regain honor.

In many ways, said Zehr, the current criminal justice system denies victims almost everything they need. He quoted Judy Herman saying that if you set out to design a system to create post traumatic stress for a victim, you couldn't do better than a court of law. This theme was repeated in other conference events so far - that the court process places unfair demands on victims that exacerbate their emotional response to crime instead of help them.
Restorative justice models focus more on giving victims that opportunity to confront both their victimizer and and their own personal demons - to publicly have their say and "'re-story' what happened to them in a way that lets them regain honor." However those approaches have proven difficult to graft onto the traditional adversarial system, where there is no real avenue for victims to "reconcile differences" with offenders.

Especially without a trial (and 98% of felony cases end in plea bargains), the adversarial system seldom provides victims that much-desired opportunity to tell their story. Yet any practitioner will tell you that, without plea bargains, the entire system would collapse under its own weight. Ditto for making victims a straight-up party to plea bargains; indeed, most crime victims likely wouldn't want that responsibility.

A lot more work needs to be done to identify the best way for the legal system to satisfy these emotional needs of crime victims, and restorative justice theories may provide a good starting point for re-imagining the system. But the adversarial process as we know it probably can't accommodate those needs without taking every case to trial, which like it or not is a practical impossibility.

DPS plan would put x-rays, metal detectors at Texas capitol entrances

Texas Department of Public Safety Director Steve McCraw told the Senate Transportation and Homeland Security Committee earlier this month that DPS plans to put metal detectors and X-Ray machines at the entrances to the state capitol to aid in "gun detection." DPS solicited a security review from the US Secret Service and is in the process of updating legislative leadership on the plan.

This idea was considered and discarded after 9/11, but has apparently been revived after a man fired off gunshots outside the capitol in January after an argument with state Sen. Dan Patrick's staffers.

I've long considered the Texas Legislature one of the most "little d" democratic political institutions in the country, and a big part of what makes that true is the ability for average citizens to move freely around the capitol.

After 9/11, the Austin city council turned their offices into their own little fortress, installing metal detectors and ceasing the longstanding practice of allowing constituents to go directly to councilmembers' offices to talk to staff, the councilmember, etc.. The result was to make them much less accessible, more insular, and ultimately IMO more aloof and full of themselves. The physical infrastructure created to protect these "important people" more than the rest of us had an unintended side effect on officeholders and staff, creating an even more significant psychological distance from constituents than the physical one. The change dramatically altered the culture at city hall, very much for the worse as far as I'm concerned.

I'd very much prefer not to see that happen to the Texas state capitol.

Last session, DPS operated metal detectors going into the balconies in the Texas House and Senate chambers respectively. At times it created significant logistical problems, not just from long lines to get into the gallery, but because there are actually offices on the other side of the chambers. In at least one instance to which I was privy, the long wait to get through security actually bogged up time-sensitive legislative communications related to the innocence compensation bill. How much more frequently will that happen when everyone entering the capitol must go through the equivalent of airport security lines?

In this case the shooter fired off shots outside the capitol. Wouldn't he have more targets if there's a huge gaggle of people waiting at the door to get through the metal detector?

For that matter, most of these legislators (including Sen. Patrick) claim to be pro-Second Amendment and supportive of the right to bear arms. How does that jibe with rhetoric about the need for "gun detection," as though a gun is some scary bogeyman, even in the hands of the law abiding? How well will that message play, one wonders, with NRA members in Republican primaries?

There are plenty of armed troopers and cops at the capitol at any given moment (and often even one or two armed legislators!), plus committee chairmen can already request security at hearings if they think there's a risk. I'd much rather see them beef up staffing for capitol security than waste every visitor's time (including busloads of schoolchildren, tourists, countless lobbyists, etc.) with metal detectors, X-rays, taking off their belts and shoes, etc..

Even better: Maybe if legislators are concerned about security they should use some of their campaign funds to send themselves and their staff through the necessary training to get their concealed carry permits.

But for heaven's sake, state officials shouldn't let either fear or an overblown sense of self-importance spur security measures that degrade the fundamental culture of the institution. It's important to protect legislators, but we hold elections every two years precisely to remind each of them that they're replaceable. It's not their capitol, it's ours.

Paris, TX may be scene of next DNA exoneration

Texas may see yet another post-conviction DNA exoneration today out of Paris, TX, after DNA on an alleged murder weapon turned out not to belong to the victim or the defendant. A judge this morning will determine whether this means the defendant gets a new trial now that the main evidence against him has been debunked. Reports the Paris News:
Danny Holloway, who has served more than eight years in the Texas Department of Criminal Justice System for the stabbing death of a young Paris woman, has been returned to Lamar County Jail for an evidentiary hearing to determine if he should get a new trial in the case.

The case will be heard in Judge Eric Clifford’s 6th District Court at 9 a.m. Thursday.

Holloway was convicted in the 2001 stabbing death, but DNA tests determined the knife allegedly used in the stabbing could not have been used to kill her.

The tests, ordered by Clifford last year and performed by Southwestern Institute of Forensic Sciences in Dallas, show the knife used to convict Danny Holloway was likely not the weapon that killed Ashley Lee during a fight outside a north Paris night club in July 2001.

At the time of the death, forensic DNA testing was either not available or available but not technologically capable of providing probative results. ...

There were no latent fingerprints on the knife, and Holloway was never connected to the knife by evidence.

Holloway’s Arlington attorney, John Stickles, said he asked for the hearing “to determine if Holloway should get another trial.
I'll update the story later today when we find out how Judge Clifford rules.

UPDATE: Via AP, "Texan to receive new trial after DNA test on knife."

Wednesday, February 24, 2010

CA prosecutors dismiss high-profile case based on false results from Texas forensics expert

A speaker at today's Indigent Defense Summit referenced a high-profile case dismissed in northern California this week after it was discovered that Houston-area forensic lab called Expertox allegedly generated false lab results that were later debunked by multiple other scientists.

The speaker from the San Mateo County private defender office used the case as an example why attorneys for indigent defendants need access to money to hire experts. In this instance, he said, if attorneys hadn't had resources to secure specialized labwork from France and elsewhere, they couldn't have debunked what turned out to be faulty (and possibly fraudulent) labwork performed in Texas.

Interested in the local connection, I Googled and found this account of the story from the San Jose Mercury News ("Molestation case against San Carlos man dropped," Feb. 22), describing dismissal of all charges against a fellow:

who was arrested and charged in 2007, adamantly denied all of the allegations and is currently in divorce proceedings with his wife, defense attorney Geoff Carr said.

Carr said Monday's decision came after the defense raised doubts about the credibility of lab results from a forensic expert in Texas who tested a sample of the woman's hair for GHB.

"It's pretty damn clear what we've been saying for some time is true, that this lab had fraudulent results," Carr said.

Carr said the expert's results showed very high levels of the drug, while a lab in France hired by the defense showed naturally occurring levels of GHB in the woman's hair.

Chief Deputy District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe said prosecutors intended to call a Southern California expert to explain the discrepancy between the Texas and French lab tests. But Wagstaffe said prosecutors discovered last week that a third forensic expert in Hayward also tested the hair before it went to Texas and similarly cast doubt on the Texas lab's findings.

"This expert over in the East Bay did not believe the results from Texas were reliable," Wagstaffe said. "With that information, it became apparent to us this was not evidence we could rely on in attempting to convict a man."

Another story declared that "labs in France, Canada and Chicago who looked at the [Texas lab's] work said it was 'completely wrong and actually fabricated,'" identifying the scientist who performed the tests as Dr. Ernest Lykissa.

Indeed, Lykissa's results were so problematic that it's possible they'll result in their own criminal case: "Prosecutors have also not ruled out criminal charges in the chain of events which led to the test results on which they based their case," reported the San Mateo County Daily Journal yesterday. Today's speaker also said it was his understanding prosecutors are considering charges against the Texas scientist.

Beyond the links provided, I don't know anything about the lab or this case and perhaps there'll turn out to be a good explanation for the error. But that was a pretty big bomb dropped at the summit in the midst of an otherwise mundane discussion of indigent defense economics!

Harris County owed millions by bond companies for bail skips

In a must read story, Lise Olsen reported yesterday ("Bail bonds no bounty for Harris County") that "A Houston Chronicle review shows 500 current and former bond companies and individuals still owe taxpayers more than $26 million in default judgments, some dating back decades."

The whole story is so chock-full of journalistic goodness I won't excerpt it so you'll go there and read the whole thing.

Just one quibble: Olsen wrote that "various studies" show just five percent of surety bond clients fail to show up for court, but that figure sounds low to me. In Tarrant County, for example, defendants with surety bonds had a 16% no-show rate, Fort Worth Weekly reported a few years ago. A 2007 federal report (pdf) put the national failure-to-appear rate for surety bonds at 20%. Perhaps it depends on who's funding the study?

It's also worth mentioning that some 90% of absconders in Houston, according to the Texas Fair Defense Project's Andrea Marsh, are brought in by law enforcement officers, not surety bondsmen. So in addition to bond companies not always being financially responsible, most defendants who skip aren't caught by bail bondsmen, Dog the Bounty Hunter notwithstanding.

Given these outcomes - the lack of financial responsibility for absconders and the fact that law enforcement already pick up most no-shows in Houston - using personal bonds instead of commercial bail for lower-risk offenders makes more sense to me all the time.

Charles Hood death sentence thrown out: Texas CCA admits it 'completely misunderstood' SCOTUS for past 20 years

Here's another astonishing development in the increasingly infamous Charles Dean Hood case: The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals this morning threw out Hood's death sentence (!), not because the judge and prosecutor were sleeping together (which wasn't an issue for six of them) but instead thanks to a flip flop over claims about flawed jury instructions that the court had earlier rejected. The Associated Press reports that:

The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals has thrown out the death sentence of a convicted killer whose case has been dogged by admissions of an affair between his trial judge and the prosecutor.

The court, in a split decision, says Charles Dean Hood is entitled to a new punishment trial because jurors were not allowed to consider mitigating evidence that could have convinced them he didn't deserve a death sentence.

Wednesday's ruling makes no mention of the affair between the judge and prosecutor in Collin County in suburban Dallas. Last year, the same court refused Hood's appeal for an entire new trial.

Hood, now 40, a former topless club bouncer, insists he's innocent of the 1989 fatal shootings of 26-year-old Tracie Lynn Wallace and 46-year-old Ronald Williamson at their Plano home.

Though it doesn't mention at all the now-admitted affair between the trial judge and prosecutor in Hood's case, this is a major decision which basically amounts to a mea culpa by the CCA majority about its past rulings in an array of similar cases. From Judge Cochran's majority opinion:

This is all very awkward. To grant a Texas death-row inmate relief on his subsequent Penry I and Penry II claim under the recently decided Tennard, Smith, et al. cases, we must find that those decisions announced new law, but the federal courts cannot grant relief on those very same claims unless they find that Texas courts misapplied clearly established law at the time of the relevant state-court decision. Hence, a death-row inmate must argue in this Court that Tennard, Smith, et al. announced new law, but, once he arrives in federal court, he must argue that those same cases simply reiterated clearly established law. There is no logical way in which Tennard, Smith, et al. can simultaneously be both "newly available law" for state-court purposes and "clearly established law" for federal-court purposes.

This conundrum has produced starkly different descriptions and versions of the historical development of Penry law. In each of the five most recent cases, the United States Supreme Court majority has been at pains to emphasize that "well before our decision in Penry I, our cases had firmly established that sentencing juries must be able to give meaningful consideration and effect to all mitigating evidence that might provide a basis for refusing to impose the death penalty[.]" Thus, Penry itself did not announce new law, nor did the five most recent cases, Tennard, Smith I, Abdul-Kabir, Brewer, and Smith II. Under the majority's reasoning, this Court (along with the Fifth Circuit) completely misunderstood the scope and applicability of Penry for almost twenty years and reached "'decision[s] that [were] contrary to, or involved an unreasonable application of, clearly established Federal law, as determined by the Supreme Court of the United States'" in virtually all of our Penry cases. Had the Supreme Court concluded otherwise, it could not have granted relief to any of the habeas corpus applicants in Tennard, Smith I, Abdul-Kabir, Brewer, or Smith II.
Judge Keasler's dissent sounded downright furious at this 180 degree reversal in course. I'd suggested in this Grits post from 2008 that staying Hood's case on these grounds amounted to a near-explicit admission of error by the court, but I never expected the Texas CCA to overtly admit that they'd "completely misunderstood the scope and applicability" of a Supreme Court ruling "for almost twenty years." As I wrote back then:
I can think of only two possible explanations for this odd and surprising move by the court: Either the CCA egregiously erred last spring by failing to accommodate Smith v. Texas, or else the court is now using this issue as a stratagem, the way an illusionist uses misdirection, to avoid revisiting their colleague's admitted misconduct. Neither reason reflects well on the court.

Given today's developments I now think both explanations may be correct. A plurality on the CCA now believe that "Texas courts misapplied clearly established law" in Hood's case and others like it, but I also continue to suspect that judges chose to revisit the issue (and perhaps timed the release of today's opinion) to deflect heat generated by their past rulings in this case protecting their former colleague.

I've no idea what the implications of this decision might be for the recent request for the US Supreme Court to hear Hood's case, but I hope it doesn't derail efforts to get a SCOTUS ruling on the separate issues raised by the trial judge and prosecutor's long-concealed liaisons.

Indigent Defense Summit today

An "Indigent Defense Summit" begins at 9 a.m. this morning at the Texas capitol with opening remarks from state Sen. Rodney Ellis. You can watch the day-long event online at this link. Here's the agenda (pdf). I can't attend but plan to watch as much as I can online.

Shocker of the Day: DOJ rarely disciplines its prosecutors

Let me refer readers to a good overview of deficiencies in federal oversight of prosecutorial misconduct by the DOJ Office of Professional Responsibility from the blog EmptyWheel, following up on analyses by Mike at Crime and Federalism and recent journalistic critiques. EmptyWheel is a partisan Democratic blog setting the stage for a series on torture politics, which is beyond Grits' purview. But their preliminary discussion of lax federal infrastructure overseeing DOJ prosecutors, relying mostly on OPR annual reports and recent testimony from DOJ's Inspector General, interested me much more.

To bottom line the concern: Very few federal prosecutors are disciplined by DOJ, even when judges found they engaged in serious misconduct. Further, DOJ's independent Office of Inspector General has no authority to investigate misconduct by Justice Department attorneys, whose misconduct is instead investigated by the Office of Professional Responsibility,
which is not statutorily independent and reports directly to the Attorney General and the Deputy Attorney General. In effect, the limitation on the OIG’s jurisdiction creates a conflict of interest and contravenes the rationale for establishing independent Inspectors General throughout the government.
In 2007, according to the most recent OPR annual report, DOJ received 906 complaints of misconduct by its attorneys but only opened investigations in 71 cases. Of those, they found negligence in 22 instances and intentional misconduct in only one, initiating discipline in just 14 cases, or just 1.5% of complaints.

What's more, it's not like all these dismissed allegations are coming from crackpots. An overwhelming majority (75%) of complaints resulting in investigations came federal judges, according to the annual report, so this low rate of affirmative findings either means quite a few judges are making false allegations against DOJ prosecutors, or else the OPR is a toothless watchdog. My money's on the latter.

According to the OPR annual report, the most common allegations investigated were:
  • Abuse of authority, including abuse of prosecutorial discretion: 23%
  • Improper remarks to a grand jury, during trial, or in pleadings: 16%
  • Misrepresentation to the court and/or opposing counsel: 17%
  • Failure to comply with Brady, Giglio, or Fed. R. Crim. P. 16 discovery: 12%
  • Interference with defendant's rights: 9%
But perhaps the biggest questions surround those complaints they chose not to pursue at all: What were their topics? How many came from judges, fellow prosecutors, etc.? I'm curious, for example, how many total complaints about Brady violations (failing to hand over exculpatory evidence) the OPR received, but they report tells us little about the majority of complaints OPR chose not to investigate.

I'm pleased EmptyWheel chose to address these questions, but it's important to keep in mind that these are institutional problems, not partisan ones. They're raising the issue in preparation for a critique of Bush torture policies and the failure of DOJ to condemn attorneys like John Yoo. But criticisms of the structural flaws in DOJ's ability to hold its attorneys accountable apply equally - indeed, perhaps even more directly - to less politicized, more workaday misconduct, a situation that without question persists in the Obama/Holder administration.

DOJ's Inspector General suggested in recent testimony to Congress that authority to investigate misconduct by DOJ attorneys should be made independent, shifting it under the OIG's domain. That might be a good start, but by itself it can't change departmental culture if DOJ leadership and supervisors aren't thoroughly committed to enforcing ethical obligations among prosecutors.

What should concern us most aren't the high-profile, exceptional cases of DOJ overlooking attorney misconduct, but the fact that the same culture of denial permeates the justice system, both at federal and state levels. (Don't believe it? In Texas our courts still want to execute you if the prosecutor and judge were sleeping together during your capital murder trial.)

In a related post, Tom Kirkendall at Houston's Clear Thinkers connected the dots between more mundane prosecutorial misconduct (his focus is on white-collar cases) and the partisan catfights in Washington over torture: "Our failure to hold governmental officials responsible for abuse of power toward our fellow citizens helped create the culture in which the leap to sanction torture against enemy combatants was a small one.," he lamented. "That culture will be very difficult to change."

Tuesday, February 23, 2010

Stay warm

We got just enough of a snow flurry in Austin today for a little to stick on the ground a couple of hours. Watching my dogs leaving tentative footprints and yellow trails in the snow before begging to be let back inside recalled a photo I noticed recently via the Texas State Troopers Association - a shot from Feb. 11 in Midlothian southwest of Dallas that reminded me, as if it were needed, that central Texas winters are ridiculously mild (the upside, I suppose, of living with 100 degree summer days and the semiannual threat of flash floods):


Brrrrr. Just looking at that photo makes me want to turn up the heat. Good camera shot by Trooper Rick Smith.

Stay warm, folks.

Budget cuts at Harris jail could preclude expansion plebiscite

Demands by the commissioners court that Harris County Sheriff Adrian Garcia cut tens of millions from his department's budget could put the kabosh, one would think on a plebiscite to expand the jail which had been suggested for later this year. Reports KTRK-TV:
Harris County Commissioners are trying to figure out how to make up for falling tax revenues. The sheriff's department has already cut more than $34 million from its 2010 - 2011 budget, and we're told commissioners may ask the department to shave off another $15 million.

Most of the original cuts came from overtime and spending on the county jail. There's no word yet on what effect the new cuts could have when it comes to public safety.

The Harris County Jail was already understaffed and relying on overtime to house the number of prisoners it holds now. Reduce that overtime and capacity will drop further. Given that the Sheriff can't adequately staff the facilities he's running now, I don't see how on earth anyone could think they can afford to build and staff even more capacity.

One silver lining surrounding the current budget crunch is that it's forcing corrections agencies at all levels to rethink incarceration policies instead of continually expand prison and jail capacity. The Sheriff and some judges in Harris County have heretofore behaved as though they were immune to such macro-level concerns. But at least during the next couple of budget cycles, Harris officials must seek more creative, less expensive options to pretrial detention or raise taxes to build and staff more jail cells. And by all appearances, new taxes aren't presently on the table.

To their credit, some Harris County judges have been quietly taking steps to reduce jail incarceration rates. As of February 1, the county housed just more than 9,400 inmates in a jail with a capacity of 11,000; another 1,100 are housed out of county (many in Louisiana). The reason is staffing: If those 1,100 were brought back to Harris County they'd theoretically have space to put them, but not enough warm bodies to guard them.

That's why, if Harris County slashes Sheriff Garcia's budget this greatly, he not only won't get to build more jail space, he must begin to seriously concern himself with reducing inmate numbers to safely operate the understaffed facilities he has now, which already faced their own challenges. In this case, I'm convinced that's a good thing; it will force county leaders to make tough choices they wouldn't otherwise have the political will to make, starting with Sheriff Garcia and the criminal court judges.

UPDATE (2/24): The Houston Chronicle has more on growing jail costs and staffing shortages:

A growing jail population has fueled a 66 percent increase in sheriff's spending during the past four years.

The sheriff has spent about $34 million this year alone on overtime, much of it to cover shifts at its understaffed jail. A consultant's study in December concluded that the county has 342 fewer jailers than it needs.

“It begs the question as to whether or not the number of employees he has is enough,” said Precinct 2 Commissioner Sylvia Garcia. “If it's not, then let's hire the people with the same money we're spending on overtime.”

Emmett, too, suggested that hiring more deputies could actually save the Sheriff's Office money.

The budget office imposed a hiring freeze last October.

You love to fly and it shows

Bruce Schneier, who is a frequent critic of pointless airport "security theater" (a term he coined) held a contest to create a humorous new logo for the Transportation Security Administration. Upon describing some of the entries to the missus, she instructed me, "Put a link to that on your blog so I can look at it later." "That's not a Texas story," I grumbled, to which she replied, "that's okay, your readers will appreciate it." Sigh. Sometimes in life it's easier to do as you're told, so here's a link to all the entries, the finalists, and the ultimate winner. Several were quite funny, but this was my favorite: