This is a rush transcript from "Glenn Beck," January 22, 2010. This copy may not be in its final form and may be updated.

GLENN BECK, HOST: Welcome to a special edition of "The Glenn Beck Program."

The story of America is really one of self-reliance and optimism, and profound faith. Not only in the context of religious freedom, but also in the unprecedented faith in the ability of human beings to control their own destiny.

And while the spirit of personal responsibility was extraordinarily strong with our founders, great patriots like Thomas Paine, he argued for redistribution of wealth right off the bat. Alexander Hamilton, he wanted a central bank. Well, they wound up losing those battles but there were plenty who kept can on fighting.

The Constitution kept those dogs at bay for better part of 200 years. But, eventually, those seeking a different path than the ones the founders settled on realized the only way to really defeat the Constitution was for the people to stop reading it. Progressives realized victory required changing history. To defeat them, we have to correct that.

Progressives know how powerful history is. When these truths get told and the lies get corrected, the game is going to be on. It's pulling the mask off the monster.

Next week, we'll dive deeper in to the progressive script. But today, we dismantle the first act.

We've always been told that genocidal dictators of the world — oh, they're just manifestations of the hateful right, that the left wing icons like Che and Mao and Stalin need to be understood in context.

Tonight, we set the record straight.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

(MUSIC)

BECK (voice-over): We live in a time that seems to move faster than time — a place that seems to have no place for the truth, a reality that seems to have no connection to reality. So to get our feet on solid ground in the future, we must first walk through the past with our eyes wide open.

RONALD REAGAN, FMR. U.S. PRESIDENT: Government is not the solution to our problem. Government is the problem.

BECK: That's modern conservatism in a nutshell. Yet, we're always told that Nazi Germany, who controlled every aspect of its citizens' lives, was somehow right-wing. Is that true? Or is it an attempt to distract from other much more inconvenient similarities?

JONAH GOLDBERG, AUTHOR, "LIBERAL FASCISM": To say, you know, Hitler was a right-winger because of X, Y, Z, I say, what was Stalin's position on X, Y, and Z?

The common assumption is that the Nazis were a right-wing phenomena. They a right-wing party, that Hitler was a man of the right and all of the rest. And there are a lot of problems with this. His social agenda was for expanding universal access to health care, for expanding access to education. It was for cradle to grave welfare estate. It was for attacking big business and high finance.

People say, "Well, Hitler abolished labor unions, he was a right-wing then." Well, how did labor unions do under Stalin? How are labor unions doing under Fidel Castro? Almost anything you can find on a checklist that allegedly proves Hitler was a right-winger, you can apply to almost any one of the communist dictators of the 20th century and the similarities are almost identical.

BECK: Today, this idea may seem controversial. But as the Nazis were rising to power, it wasn't controversial. It was common knowledge. November 28, 1925, a tiny article printed in the "New York Times" describing the early internal struggle for the identity of the Nazis. A riot broke out after a Nazi speaker claimed that Lenin was the greatest man second only to Hitler. And the difference between communism and the Hitler faith was very slight.

It wasn't just some nobody in the Nazi party who believed this. It was this man: Hitler's closest ally to the very end and his hand-pick successor as chancellor, Joseph Goebbels.

Because it was so controversial, Goebbels, a master of propaganda, stopped talking about it in public. But his private writings revealed his change in approach wasn't a change of heart.

EDVINS SNORE, DIRECTOR, "THE SOVIET STORY": The Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union in 1941. Just a week before that, he wrote in his diary that the goal of the Nazi Germany would be to destroy this Jewish Bolshevism and the Soviet Union as they described it and instead of that, build the true socialism. That's what he wrote in his diary. And, of course, Goebbels was a liar, but — well, he lied to his own diary.

GOLDBERG: The red shirts and the brown shirts in Germany had all sorts of members who were members of one group joining the other group and vice versa. They saw themselves as equally revolutionary organizations fighting each other for control. The Nazi versus Bolsheviks in Germany was really a case of Coke versus Pepsi.

BECK: Even as the Nazis were taken control of France, the French communist newspaper found reason to celebrate. "In these sad times, it is exceptionally comforting to see many Parisian workers talk to German soldiers as friend, in the street, or at the corner cafe. Well done, comrades. And keep it up, even if it displeases some of the middle classes as stupid as they are mischievous."

GOLDBERG: The communists in the Reichstag voted almost uniformly with the Nazis. They voted in lock step. And the slogan for the communists in the Reichstag was: First, brown, then, red. The general understanding among the communists, among socialists back then was that Nazism was a steppingstone towards the ultimate victory of socialism and communism.

BECK: While Hitler certainly to opposed communism outwardly, he did so mainly because he disagreed with its internationalism.

GOLDBERG: He was a proud German, a German nationalist, a German jingoist, not a patriot but a nationalist. And he rejected that element of Marxism, but he embraced socialism entirely. He embraced the idea of racial solidarity, socialism for one race.

BECK: Even in "Mein Kampf" he acknowledged the movements were so close that if not the focus on race, his national socialist movement would really do nothing more than compete with Marxism on its own ground. But Nazi Germany had no corner on the market of racism, and anti-Semitism.

SNORE: We can find many Nazi-like passages in the writing of Marx and Engels were they both scorned (ph) on the Czechs and Hungarians and Poles. Marx didn't like Spanish, for example. He said that Spanish are degenerate and that Mexican are degenerated Spanish.

GOLDBERG: Marx, you need to remember, was Jewish. He was a self- hating Jew. He rejected Judaism and all of the rest, but he was Jewish.
And Hitler hated — you know, hated Jews. I mean, this is not a news flash. Hitler was a passionate anti-Semite. And he saw Marxism as corrupted with a deep-seated Jewish nature.

The irony here is that so did Marx. Marx was a real anti-Semite. He wrote about the Jewish problem a generation before the Nazis started talking about the Jewish problem. He said how we had to purge the Jewish spirit from western civilization or from the global civilization. He had horrible racist things to say about Jews and the blacks.

And Hitler very much inherited that Marxist analyst when it came to things like Jews and other races.

BECK: Sometimes, it's hard to tell Hitler and Marx apart. Who wrote that Germany's neighbors should accept "the physical and intellectual power of the German nation to subdue, absorb and assimilate its ancient eastern neighbors"? That's Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, author of "The Communist Manifesto" almost a century before the Holocaust.

Hitler's underlying admiration for Marxism was obvious.

SNORE: When I made the film, I was expecting actually that there would be similarities between the Nazis and Soviet communism, but I was actually amazed to discover how similar where these posters, and the posters were so similar that as if for one artist had drawn them. Of course, I think it is because — it is because they were both, the ideologies were very similar and their expression, therefore, was very similar as well.

GOLDBERG: In "Mein Kampf," Hitler writes about the Nazi party flag, which is this big red flag with a white disk in the middle and the swastika in the center. Hitler explains it quite clearly in "Mein Kampf" that the red, the big sea of red that the swastika was in was intended to attract socialists to his movement. The red flag was the emblem of the communists, the reason why we call them the reds.

BECK: But it went deeper than similar ideology and imagery. Until Germany launched a surprise attack on the Soviet Union in 1941, the Nazis and the Soviets worked together. They even put it in writing, signing what was originally sold as a non-aggression pact. But just weeks later, they would invade Poland from opposite sides.

It wasn't until much late they're we would learn the full scope of the agreement.

SNORE: They signed an agreement in 1939 that was called the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, which had the secret protocol attached to it. And according to that secret protocol, they agreed on the division of the neighboring countries between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.

TARAS HUNCZAK, PROFESSOR EMERITUS, RUTGERS UNIVERSITY: Then there was a secret protocol which essentially divided Europe into two spheres of influence between Hitler and Stalin. After all, it was not so difficult for them. Both of them were totalitarian regimes. They understood each other. The Soviets were delivering all kinds of raw materials to the Germans. It was not just theoretical friendship.

SNORE: An aspect of their collaboration was mutual exchange of prisoners. Basically German communists and Jews, they fled to the Soviet Union in order to be safe. The Soviet Union sent them back to Gestapo.
And many of them, of course, were killed there and perished in the Nazi concentration camps.

BECK: But is this just a story of brutal iron-fisted dictators, or something inherent in the philosophy? The fathers of communism, Marx, and Engels, believed that societies would evolve from capitalism to socialism. But they acknowledged that there were still what they called primitive societies that hadn't even evolved into capitalists yet. They called them racial trash.

As the revolution happens, the classes and the races, too weak to master the new conditions of life, must give way. There was only one thing left for those too far behind in the process of societal evolution. "The chief mission of all other races and peoples, large and small, is to perish in the revolutionary holocaust."

Up until the horrors of Hitler, prominent socialist supporters discuss these ideas out in the open. Nobel Prize winner, Fabian socialist and prominent Soviet supporter, George Bernard Shaw.

GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, NOBEL PRIZE WINNER: I don't want to punish anybody. (INAUDIBLE) an extraordinary number of people whom I want to kill. I think it would be a good thing to make everybody come before a properly-appointed board, just as they might come before the income tax commissioner, and say every five years, or every seven years, just put them there, and say, "Sir, or madam, now will you be kind enough to justify your existence?"

If you're not producing as much as you consume or perhaps a little more, then, clearly, we cannot use the big organizations of our society for the purpose of keeping you alive, because your life does not benefit us and it can't be of very much use to yourself.

BECK: And this was actually somewhat subtle for Shaw. He'd also foreshadow some of the worst atrocities in our planet's history. He wrote, "I appeal to the chemists to discover a humane gas that will kill instantly and painlessly. In short, a gentlemanly gas — deadly by all means, but humane not cruel."

GOLDBERG: People like George Bernard Shaw were convinced that overpopulation was this terrible, terrible problem; particularly, because the unfit, the genetically less desirable, were swamping the good genetic types. In the late 19th century, there are almost a cream of British intelligentsia embracing eugenics. Well into the 20th century. Saying that thousands, millions had to be marched off into gas chambers and liquidated.

George Bernard Shaw has this great line where he says, you know, we should do it while playing lovely classical music as we march them into the gas chambers. The idea — and a lot of people seem to think that this concept of the gas chamber as a tool of social policy was invented by the Nazis. It wasn't. It was — and I mean this in the most disgusting evil way, it was perfected by the Nazis.

But this idea of using things like gas chambers to kill off millions of people so that the rest of the good guys could prosper and move to the sunny uplands of history was immensely popular.

(END VIDEOTAPE)

BECK: All of these systems are based on the idea that we know better. That the little people get in the way of our plan — well, first, we'll go around them and then we'll destroy them. This arrogance always ends exactly the same way.

One of history's worst examples: The genocide you've never heard of. Next.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: The atrocities of Hitler are rightfully recognized as beyond abhorrent, but we must continue to be vigilant to make sure they never happen again. We must never forget. But we also must never stop learning.

Here's another story of genocide that for some reason history has erased.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

BECK (voice-over): Growing deep within the roots of socialism is a brutal and dismissive view of human life.

GOLDBERG: The essence of Marx is simply that the universe is run by this cold material, impersonal forces and that over time, we are going to see it move from the futile, through the capitalist to the socialist to the communist stage. Along the way, a lot of people are going to get killed. And Marx was completely fine with it.

SNORE: The Nazi Germany, these groups were also defined by ethnicity, the Jews, for example, and so with union, they defined them by social origin. But the idea was the same.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Communist (INAUDIBLE), dictator of 160 million Nazis (ph).

BECK: Today, most have forgotten the scale of the Soviet atrocities, particularly, what may have been their most horrific. It began long before Hitler's horror was revealed. Popular uprising had become a problem in the Ukraine. Their spirit of individualism threatened the grand design of Moscow. Stalin decided to take steps and correct the problem.

HUNCZAK: The objective was to keep Ukrainians on their knees.

BECK: Stalin forced peasants to give up their farms under the banner of collectivization.

HUNCZAK: The peasants are the army of nationalism. So, what do you do? You got to crush them.

VICTOR YUSHCHENKO, PRESIDENT, UKRAINE: My wife's grandfather died in 1933. He was arrested, for refusal to join the collective farm. While he was in prison, his wife was forced to divorce him. When he returned from prison, he saw that he had no wife. He could not see his children. He had no house, he had no land. He had nothing. There are millions of such stories.

BECK: Stalin took everything — their independence, their livelihood, and even their food, plunging the Ukraine into famine. And while the people were starving, it wasn't because the food wasn't growing. Grain production was skyrocketing. Instead of giving the grain to starving people, the Soviets exported it to fund their centrally-planned industrialization. How the Soviets dealt with the hunger was inhumane.

NIKOLAY MELNIK, SURVIVOR, FROM "THE SOVIET STORY": They entered a house and asked, "Where are your dead?" There was only a half-dead woman laying in the bed. They said, "Let's take her. She will die anyway. Why come after her tomorrow?" She begged them. "Do not take me. I am still alive. I want to live."

UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: It was horrible. They were all dumped into the grave. The ground was moving.

BECK: The forced famine that resulted was so horrific, the situation so desperate that there were even widespread reports of cannibalism.

HUNCZAK: I was once with a group of people going to one part of Ukraine, and I said, "Is there some older lady that could tell me something about what happened?"

BECK: What the woman told him next, he would never forget.

HUNCZAK: And she said, "Oh, my God, I really don't like to talk about that." She said, "You see, there is this house on the top of the hill there? A mother ate her daughter. She was already insane, because the people had reached the level of insanity. And then she committed suicide."

BECK: How did the Soviets deal with this? They printed posters that said, "To eat your own children is a barbarian act." This period is known as, "the Holodomor," roughly translated as "murder by hunger."

YUSHCHENKO: Death from hunger was not unusual in the 20th century. But there is a difference between death from hunger and murder by hunger.

BECK: These intentional policies resulted in murder as efficient as has ever been seen in human history.

HUNCZAK: You find that whole families actually die out like eight members in the family.

SNORE: Many millions of people are killed. And given the fact that it was done within one year, I believe it is certainly comparable to the great genocides of the 20th century.

BECK: Most know that the horrors of the Holocaust resulted in the deaths of approximately six million Jews. But what many don't know is that the government-designed starvation in the Ukraine caused the deaths of between 7 million and 10 million in just one year. None of this is meant to diminish the horrors of the Holocaust. The pure evil that inspired it is above question and must be remembered vividly and at all costs.

Though, in addition, the other victims of vicious governments who have treated human life as nothing but a speed bump to their grand design must also be remembered.

HUNCZAK: It is not just the number of people. It's the national culture also. Imagine how many writers, artists, all of them perished.

GOLDBERG: One of the most disgusting things about the way we talk about communism is you have people talk about it as if it was this well- intentioned social experiment. But even at the level of first principles of the sort of planning session, it was planned and premeditated mass murder on a massive scale.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: With the newest devices of destruction.

BECK: All the while supported by prominent media members — "The New York Times" now acknowledges their role in the propping up of Stalin's regime by their reporter Walter Durante. He called the forced famine in the Ukraine mostly bunk and viciously justified the millions dead by saying, "You can't make an omelet without breaking eggs."

SNORE: Because of this information, many people in the West reacted quite passively to what happened in the Ukraine. Durante was there and his position was pro-Soviet. I think he did a lot of harm to the truth at that time.

HUNCZAK: He reported, no, there is no famine in Ukraine. But there is widespread mortality due to diseases of malnutrition.

BECK: Yet still, even in August of last year, "The Times" wrote in a book review that despite the fact that Fredrick Engels, one of the founders of communism, was an advocate of ethnic cleansing, he would have been a fine man to drink with.

And it is surely true that Engels' larger critique of capitalism resonates down the ages.

YUSHCHENKO: Recognizing this as a tragedy means not only to recognize the genocide of the Ukrainian people. We should also speak about the crimes — not only of the Stalin regime — but about the criminality of communism itself. In my opinion, it is a very difficult discussion for a large number of people, including people from Europe, unfortunately.

BECK: And apparently, here in America as well. It is up to us to know the truth so our children don't face the same threat ever again. Each year, Ukrainians gather to remember the Holodomor by lighting 25,000 candles. Why 25,000? Because during this intentional famine, they lost 25,000 people every single day.

Allowing this to happen one more time would be unforgivable.

HUNCZAK: The totalitarian system established by Stalin was responsible for murdering millions of innocent people in a most horrendous way. And nobody was interested in knowing about it. The question is what kind of people are we?

(END VIDEOTAPE)

BECK: In case you're still not convinced that the famine was intentional, during our exclusive interview for this documentary with President Viktor Yushchenko of the Ukraine, he said during the famine of the Ukrainian people, they needed 10 million tons of grain to avoid hunger. They produced 12.2 million tons.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: Now, you've seen his face everywhere, maybe on your son or daughter's t-shirts. But hopefully you will soon realize why that has got to stop.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

(voice-over): I guess we have to make a choice. Giselle in a bikini. This is how to learn about history. You see, this is the hottest supermodel in the world. What is this? This is Che. And this, too, is Che. And so is this.

He's a fashion icon among his revolutionary peers. And he is everywhere. In fact, all of this is Che. Ernesto Che Guevara.

NICK GILLESPIE, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF, "REASON.COM": There is the famous t- shirt. It is so famous in fact that you can even buy t-shirts that have images of the t-shirt on it. Che's image sells beers. It sells lighters. It sells belt buckles. It sells baby onesies.

UNIDENTIFIED ACTOR: Why are you risking your life to fight for us?

BECK: Nowhere is Che seemingly loved more than in Hollywood, USA.

UNIDENTIFIED ACTOR: You'll see. When Fidel is running things, everybody will read and have food on the table.

BECK: But is that who Che really was?

GILLESPIE: One of the things that is fascinating about the cult of Che is that it effectively thrives in the absence of any kind of historical understanding.

BECK: For example, look around at an anti-war rally and you'll probably see Che.

GILLESPIE: Che was a self-taught revolutionary who was instrumental in Castro's takeover of Cuba. He became known as the butcher of La Cabana prison in revolutionary Cuba where he personally oversaw the execution of anywhere from 175 to several hundred people. He's implicated in thousands of deaths that come after that.

HUMBERTO FONTOVA, AUTHOR, "EXPOSING THE REAL CHE GUEVARA": 14,000 men and boys were executed in Cuba during the 1960s.

GILLESPIE: He said his dream was to become a killing machine. He said to his revolutionary comrades if they weren't sure of someone's loyalty, if in doubt, kill him. These are the realities that we need to understand about Che. You can probably call him clinically a sadist.

FONTOVA: When you read his diaries, he goes into particular detail about when he, himself, shoots people in the head.

BECK: But it goes beyond war. Go to a rock concert and you're sure to see Che.

GILLESPIE: This is a man who tried to ban free expression; particularly, musical expression such as rock music and jazz music, because he thought it was imperialist. He was the Caribbean equivalent of the Taliban. He enforced a single moralistic viewpoint. And if you didn't agree with him, you would be killed.

FONTOVA: One of my favorite is Carlos Santana. At the 2005 Oscars, naturally, "The Motorcycle Diaries" won an Oscar and Carlos Santana went there to play the theme song for it. Well, he was wearing a Che Guevara t- shirt.

Carlos Santana was showing off an emblem of a regime that made it a criminal offense to listen to Carlos Santana music.

BECK: But surely Che was a progressive and uniting force on race, right?

FONTOVA: He says, "The Negro is lazy and indolent and spends all of his money on frivolities and booze, whereas the European is intelligent and forward-looking." This was from his own diaries.

Yet we've got Jesse Jackson down there — Viva Che! We've got Jay-Z with songs and the lyrics, "I'm just like Che Guevara with a bling on."

JAY-Z, RAPPER: I am like Che Guevara with bling on. I'm complex

BECK: Maybe he is complex. Either that or this guy doesn't know that this guy would have thought that this guy was nothing but a frivolous lazy drunk just because of the color of his skin.

So what is wrong with wearing the t-shirt of a warmongering, blood-thirsty racist? Well, what if he was also a terrorist, too?

FONTOVA: "To his home, to places of work, to his places of recreation. We will attack the enemy wherever he lives." Folks, this was written in 1966. He preempted al-Qaeda by 30, 40 years.

BECK: Let's see you can tell the difference. Which quote is from Che and which is from Osama Bin Laden? Who said that if he had nuclear weapons, he would use them against the very heart of America, including New York City?

And who said, "The U.S. is a great enemy of mankind? Against those hyenas, there is no option but extermination"? Yes, it's kind of unfair. It was a trick question. Both of those quotes are from Che.

Luckily, his attempts at killing Americans on our soil were about as effective as his attempts to ignite revolution around the world.

GILLESPIE: we look 50 years into the future and there are only two unapologetic communist regimes, North Korea and Cuba. If they had enough nutrition in order to run out of North Korea, they would do that. They're starving there.

In Cuba, we see time and again people who are so desperate to get off that island hell-hole they will swim through shark-infested waters. Che was the vanguard of the revolution. He was going to bring communism everywhere around the world.

In this sense, Che was an absolute abject failure and it's a damn good thing that he was.

(END VIDEOTAPE)

BECK: Well, Che wasn't successful in his bid for world revolution. There are plenty of people trying to pick up right where he left off. So what was it like to live in the one place that Che was successful? Find out, next.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: You have heard the infamous quote that, "One death is a tragedy; a million is a statistic." We've examined these events from a big-picture perspective. But now, let's move away from the statistics and look at the personal tragedy.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

(voice-over): Che Guevara — his image is a global fashion phenomenon. Hopefully, by now, you know that's so offensive to so many. But giving you the number of executions he ordered is one thing. Seeing the effect is another.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

BARBARA RANGEL, BORN IN CUBA: They portray him in the movies as a hero and as a humanitarian. He was a cold killer.

BECK: This is Barbara Rangel's grandfather, Col. Cornelio Rojas.

RANGEL: He was a freedom fighter way before (UNINTELLIGIBLE) came into power. He was a descendant of patriots. His father was a general and his grandfather was also general brigadier of that fought for Cuba's war of independence against Spain.

BECK: One day, her grandfather was just gone.

RANGEL: When Fidel Castro and Che Guevara arrived in Havana, it was January '59 and that's precisely when my grandfather disappeared. My family had no idea where he was. All of a sudden, my family was in the living room watching television and they see my grandfather walking. They were extremely happy to see him.

And then, they realized that he was walking towards the wall. They started screaming and my grandmother collapsed. They realized that he's going to be executed.

When they asked him if he wanted to be blindfolded, and he said no. And he said, "There you have the revolution. Take care of it." He asked if he could give the firing orders and he said, "Aim. Fire." He died like a hero.

BECK: And he was executed by cowards.

RANGEL: There was no trial whatsoever. Che Guevara did not allow a trial. He was taken prisoner in beginning of January and executed January 7. That is something that I will never forget. There is not one day in my life that I don't think about him.

BECK: Barbara's pregnant mother was so traumatized she went into labor three months early.

RANGEL: What is a person supposed to do? Rejoice for the birth of your son or cry for the death of your father?

BECK: Meet Barbara's mother, Blanca.

BLANCA, BARBARA RANGEL'S MOTHER (TRANSLATION): Che Guevara took away the greatest thing in my life because my father was the greatest. He was a good father. Che Guevara took that away from me and that is why I have been suffering for 50 years. I will never forget what he did to me.

BECK: For those who lived with the real Che, it is impossible to understand in America, of all places, how anyone would want him on a t- shirt.

RANGEL: Please do a lot of research before you make a fool of yourself wearing a t-shirt of a cold killing machine.

BECK: throughout the interview with Barbara and Blanca, they were incredibly strong. But you can see how deeply these events have shaken them, even to this day.

BLANCA: I am not the woman I was before.

BECK: This is the real legacy of Che. It's murder, destruction and broken families. So what can we do to correct the lies? Maybe it's time to make the truth a bit more fashionable.

Maybe it's time to remember what these governments were really responsible for. Maybe it's time to ignore the revisionist rehab of these figures and recognize who they really were.

Maybe telling the truth about socialism and communism now can help us avoid all of these things again. Just maybe speaking up and bluntly telling the truth can stop the next generation from looking at things the same way.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: Marx defined socialism as a pit stop between capitalism and communism. It isn't an end point. While sometimes this change happens slowly, it always ends badly, but perhaps never worse than with Chairman Mao.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Great leader, great commander, and great helmsman, Chairman Mao.

BECK (voice-over): Of all the horror that communism has brought to the world, perhaps the worst was brought to us by Mao Zedong.

JUNG CHANG, FATHER SUFFERED UNDER MAO ZEDONG'S COMMUNIST REGIME: When I was if in China, we were told Mao was like our god. When we wanted to say, "What I say is absolutely true," we would say, "I swear to Chairman Mao."

BECK: Mao used his power to crush the Chinese people. The majority of his crimes came in two distinct ways.

LEE EDWARDS, CHAIRMAN, VICTIMS OF COMMUNISM MEMORIAL FOUNDATION: In 1959 to 1961 was the so-called "great leap forward" which was actually a gigantic leap backwards in which he tried to collectivize and communize agriculture.

And they came to him after the first year and they said, "Chairman, five million people have died of famine." He said, "No matter, keep going." In the second year, they came back and they said, "Ten million Chinese have died." He said, "No matter, continue." The third year, 20 million Chinese have died. And he said finally, "Well, perhaps this is not the best idea that I've ever had."

CHANG: When he was told that, you know, his people were dying of starvation, Mao said, "Educate the peasants to eat less. Thus they can benefit - they can fertilize the land."

BECK: Mao's approach turned from brutal indifference to revenge. With the Cultural Revolution, his mission was to destroy both enemies and intellectuals.

EDWARDS: Professors, teachers sat in the corner with the dunce cap on them. They were made to get down on all fours and bark like a dog.

BECK: Jung Chang and her family also found themselves in Mao's crosshairs.

CHANG: My father was one of the few who stood up to Mao and protested the Cultural Revolution. My mother was under tremendous pressure to denounce my father. She refused. So as a result, my mother was made to kneel on broken glass. She was paraded in the streets where children spat at her face and threw stones at her. She was exiled to a camp.

BECK: When her father wrote to protest the Cultural Revolution, he paid the ultimate price.

CHANG: My mother tried to stop him. My mother said, "Do you want to ruin the lives of our children?" So he said, you know, "What about the children of the victims?" As a result, "He was imprisoned, tortured, driven insane. He was exiled to a camp and died prematurely, very tragically.

BECK: As a victim of Mao's crushing rule, Jung Chang's father was not alone.

EDWARDS: Some 65 million Chinese died under Maoist communism.

CHANG: Mao just didn't care. He said for all his projects to take off, half of China may well have to die.

EDWARDS: By a ratio of three or four to one, you certainly can say that Mao is the greatest mass murderer of the 20th century.

ANITA DUNN, FORMER WHITE HOUSE COMMUNICATIONS DIRECTOR: Two of my favorite political philosophers, Mao Zedong and Mother Teresa.

BECK: Dunn's comments, once again, highlight the odd treatment that leftist totalitarianism receives by too many in our society. Communism is something looked at as something we can borrow from liberally even today. But the truth is it's among history's most proficient killers.

EDWARDS: According to the black book of communism published by Harvard University Press, nearly 100 million people died under communism in the 20th century. It all flows out of this idea that the communists think that they can create a new society.

And anybody who gets in their way, they will cut down, they will kill, they will imprison, and they will eliminate in pursuit of that goal.

(END VIDEOTAPE)

BECK: With 100 million killed, communism exists in a very exclusive club, alongside with the planet's worst communicable diseases like smallpox and bubonic plague. But it's not just communism; it is the truth of any government with too much power.

Some government is necessary. Too much is suicidal. Every all- powerful government has elements of what Marx called the "revolutionary holocaust." The relentless pursuit of nirvana and the price it's worth paying to get there in human life.

It is only understanding history that we can stop this from happening again and again and again.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: America, this is the only beginning of rediscovering the things that have been lost. We have developed a whole page on this special at "GlennBeck.com." For more information, check it out. From New York, good night, America.

Content and Programming Copyright 2010 Fox News Network, LLC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Transcription Copyright 2010 CQ Transcriptions, LLC, which takes sole responsibility for the accuracy of the transcription. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No license is granted to the user of this material except for the user's personal or internal use and, in such case, only one copy may be printed, nor shall user use any material for commercial purposes or in any fashion that may infringe upon Fox News Network, LLC'S and CQ Transcriptions, LLC's copyrights or other proprietary rights or interests in the material. This is not a legal transcript for purposes of litigation.