A Decisive Year for Serbia

As Prepared

Good afternoon. It is a great pleasure to be in Serbia and in this great capital where I and my family lived and felt so much at home. I am grateful to the mayor and his office for offering City Hall as a venue for these remarks.

I am honored to be here, at the former royal palace. It was in this building that Eugene Schuyler, America's first envoy to Serbia, presented his credentials to King Milan Obrenovic 125 years ago.

This is, therefore, an anniversary of what has been, in the main, a close relationship. Serbia and America were allies in two World Wars and in the Cold War we found a way to work together. America remembers.

My theme is American-Serbian partnership for the 21^st century, but we must see this in historical context, and not just through the prism of the 1990s or the challenges and choices of the present.

My country is still young, while Serbia's history reaches back to the dawn of the last millennium. Few European states can claim older pedigree.

Your time under Ottoman rule was long, but from a historical perspective, a relatively small percentage of your history. After you liberated yourselves you reached out to Europe to take up your rightful place.

Then came the cataclysm of World War I, which so devastated this region. And between the Wars, Europe was torn apart by fascism. In World War II, fighting against the Axis Powers and civil war engulfed your nation. When it was over, communism tore apart Europe again, and while Yugoslavia kept its sovereignty, communism kept Yugoslavia from Europe's free institutions.

The 1980s brought the end to the Cold War division of Europe. 1989 proved to be a decisive year for the eastern half of this continent. For most, it meant freedom and regained sovereignty; and reunification with Europe. For your country, 1989 meant the beginning of conflict - more war and devastation. Your approach to Europe was thwarted, again.

While the rest of the continent enjoyed the fruits of union, Belgrade was cut off in a way it hadn't known even under Tito.

My point is this: as I as an outsider see it, Serbia's modern history is one of thwarted ambition to join a free Europe.

But 2007 can be the year all that changes. Let me repeat: 2007 can be your year at last. Serbia has the opportunity to accelerate irreversibly its journey to a free Europe and the transatlantic world. You need only decide to take this opportunity for it to be yours.

This year as well, the challenge of Kosovo will present you with great choices and greater temptations. Think carefully. You know what is at stake; you need no American to remind you. But I have not come here to speak about Kosovo.

I have come here, rather, as an old friend of Serbia, to speak about the community that I hope you will join. I've come here to speak about Europe and the transatlantic community, this community to which you should belong and which beckons.

The transatlantic community is not just a geographic expression; it is also a shared history, a cultural space, and a set of political institutions. It is, at its core, shared values. The institutions of this community -- the EU and NATO -- reflect those values.

Europe and the United States are not the same; we have our differences. But we are two parts of a single trans-Atlantic community of democracy, prosperity, and power. And our values are indelible.

These include tolerance-a tolerance of differences, be they ethnic, religious or simply in lifestyle choices. We also share an attachment to market economics, where people, not governments, make the investing and work decisions that affect their lives. And we share a respect for free speech, even when we disagree with what is expressed.

The U.S., Canada and the different countries in Europe integrate these values in their own particular ways. Democracy in America, Italy, Poland has its own feel and style, but we all share underlying commonality.

Serbs have shown that you share these values as well. You showed it when you overthrew Milosevic, when the Otpor activists took back the good name of your nation from those who had hijacked it.

Europe achieved its new unity and internal reconciliation largely through its own efforts, but Americans were partners, and sometimes critical ones. From President Wilson's ideals and support for self-determination, to our support for the euro, my nation has battled and bled for the unity of Europe.

After much sacrifice, we have seen the emergence of a Europe that is whole, free and at peace. Almost all of it.

One of the results of Europe's new-found unity has been a dramatic shift in the Euro-American relationship. Between America's entry in World War I and the dawn of this century, Washington's European policy was focused on Europe. Now that Europe is almost all whole, free and at peace, America's relations with Europe focuses on what America and Europe can do together in the wide world.

With success and wealth come responsibilities. Europe and the United States can not withdraw inwardly and create a fortress around us. We must together battle the dark side of globalization-terrorism, ideologies of hate, narco-trafficking, and the spread of epidemics. We can not forget the rest of the world; for good or ill, it will not forget us.

America has had its differences with Europe this decade as in every decade -we had a major difference over Iraq. But these are quarrels within the family.

America and Europe face challenges together, and seek common solutions.

In the broader Middle East, we are struggling jointly with linked crises from Lebanon to Israel-Palestine to the great struggle with radicals and extremists who do not want peace.

France and the United States are working shoulder to shoulder on Lebanon, defending the democratically-elected government of Prime Minister Siniora. With our support, the Siniora government has withstood Iran and Syria's attempts to destabilize it and place their surrogate, Hezbollah, in power.

We and Europe are committed to the crucial effort to find a peace between Israel and the Palestinians. We both believe in the state of Israel, in its security, and in its democratic values.

But we both believe as well in the right of Palestinians to have a state of their own, a state that would be free, stable, and at peace with itself and Israel.

With Quartet support, Secretary Rice has initiated a process of dialogue meant to show the way to the creation of such a Palestinian state.

As we seek solutions, we could use Serbia's experience in the region; think of the contribution you could make. Your experts know the Middle East well, Palestinians and Israelis alike.

The U.S. and some of our chief allies and partners -- France, Germany, the UK, and Russia -- are leading international efforts to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

We must contain the threat the Iranian regime poses in its region and beyond through support of terror and export of instability. But at the same time, we are eager to support the Iranian people.

In Afghanistan, America, Europe, and our partners around the world are helping President Karzai and the Afghan people retain their freedom. All 26 NATO allies and many partners, the UN, the EU and others are contributing forces, experts, and resources to help the Afghan people beat back efforts by the Taliban and al Qaeda to drag Afghanistan back to darkness.

I believe that Serbia could contribute to this noble project as well.

Think of what a project it is, how worthy it is of your efforts. Since 2001, more than 4.6 million Afghan refugees have come home. Under the Taliban, there were about 900,000 children in schools, and no girls at all. Today, more than 5 million children are in school - and about 1.8 million of them are girls. In 2001, only 8 percent of Afghans had access to basic health care. Today, the United States alone has built or renovated 681 health clinics across the country - and more than 80 percent of Afghans now have access to basic health care.

Serbian expertise and can-do spirit would be welcome, in any capacity.

Europe and the U.S. are also working together in Africa.

We can and must act together in Darfur, to end the killing; to convince Khartoum to accept a combined African Union and U.N. peacekeeping force in Darfur, its humanitarian tasks perhaps supported by NATO.

We should take advantage of Ethiopia's drive into Somalia to drive out the extremist gang in control of Mogadishu. We must work together to put in place a regional peacekeeping force, to be followed by U.N. troops.

Belgrade, having helped create the non-aligned movement, could have much to say and do in the service of this cause.

We face global challenges we must tackle together, for none of us can successfully tackle it by ourselves.

Globalization is a positive force. It creates more jobs, raises the global standard of living and reduces poverty, especially in parts of the world, such as China and India, once overwhelmed by poverty.

But globalization also brings with it global terrorism, trafficking in narcotics and people and, potentially, the quick spread of pandemics. None of us can deal with these problems on our own, without friends and allies.

On all these problems and more we are an indispensable partner for the Europeans and they are an indispensable partner for America. And in each of these challenges, Serbia could contribute, if it chose. There is much we can do together.

Serbia could also do much to help build transatlantic partnership with Russia.

Russia is a great nation but is still debating its role in the world. America and Russia have already achieved real partnership in some areas and my country seeks to build on this. In other areas, we have our differences, and my country has had to express its concerns about some aspects of Russian behavior.

Serbia has had good relations with Russia, yet you managed, with skill and tenacity, to keep your independence from Stalin's Soviet Union. Your skill and experience could contribute to our efforts to strengthen our partnership with Russia, based on realism about the problems but with hope for better ties and times to come. No one will ask you to choose between Russia and the transatlantic community. "Kto-Kogo" was Lenin's phrase, not ours, and those times are gone and I hope will not return.

While America and Europe face outward together, we know that Europe's unity is not yet complete.

Belarus stands apart. We cannot forget its people, and their struggle for freedom. But the government of Belarus itself may soon become tired of being a pariah state.

Ukraine stands at a pivot. With its Orange Revolution, that nation has already left behind its immediate post-Soviet era. Now its domestic political discussion has to play itself out, different parties will debate in the market of ideas what direction to take their country. We stand ready to welcome them.

We are working to extend help and friendship to Moldova and the nations of the south Caucasus states: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, still dealing with separatist problems, and their post-communist transformations, yet making progress and already contributing to the transatlantic community's efforts in the world.

There is a debate about where Europe ends. Some say it goes up to a geographic line and no further. Others say that European values and institutions can and should extend beyond the Black Sea and the Bosporus.

But I tell you where there is no debate-Europe is not complete without Serbia. Your absence is deeply felt, and must end.

The scars of Europe's division will never be really healed without you. Both Europe and the U.S. would be greatly enriched by having Serbia with us as a full partner in all the endeavors I outlined for you today.

I know from my time in Belgrade in the mid-1980s what Serbia can offer the transatlantic community.

Belgrade then was a world capital where people the world over came to discuss critical matter of state. The views of your leaders were sought not as courtesy, but because they were worldly men and women who looked outward to the world, beyond the parochial.

This vision and sophistication remains in this city, ready to spring forth again. And we will be stronger with you.

This is why, just as after 1989 we invited other countries in the eastern half of Europe to join the transatlantic world and its institutions in stages, we extend our hand to you. The decision to invite Serbia to be a member of NATO's Partnership for Peace is a vote of confidence in you; a sign of our commitment to Serbia.

It is up to you to decide whether you want one day to ask to join NATO and the European Union, whether you want to fulfill the requirements of membership.

I believe that the transatlantic alliance and the European Union would benefit from having Serbia along side.

But it is you, especially, who would gain from a seat at the table, from being able to add your voice to the transatlantic concert, potentially as a member of NATO or the EU, or both. You would influence decisions on matters that already affect you, but in which you now have no direct say.

Membership in the EU would mean for you a continent without borders, life without visas; universities throughout the continent more open to you; a great and wide field for all who seek opportunities; a life of growing and common prosperity.

Serbia could quickly conclude a Stability and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU. It would take weeks, not months. Serbia knows what is missing - its full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal.

Cooperation is your obligation, and it is in your interests. You owe it to your neighbors and yourselves to make a real effort to arrest the fugitives and indicted criminals Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic and transfer them to The Hague. No man is above justice. As more and more Serbs say, no one should make a nation pay because he refuses to stand trial.

Serbia's full membership in a united Europe and undivided transatlantic community is no mirage. The people of Serbia were already international citizens at a time when your eastern neighbors were not allowed to cross frontiers. Long before the Berlin Wall was torn down, Yugoslavs were found in Paris and London and all the West European capitals. You were not isolated before and you are not meant to be so now.

The decision to achieve your destiny as full members of the transatlantic community is yours. Only you can claim this destiny. You know what you must do to claim it. Nobody keeps you from it. We will all benefit from having you among us, but do not forget who will be the main beneficiaries: you and your children.

[Complete what you began in 2000. Do not miss this opportunity to join a community that beckons. Do not hold the Serbian nation back. No one outside will block you. No one outside will stand in your way. Join us. Heal the scars of Europe. And heal your own scars.] Završite ono što ste zapoèeli 2000-te godine. Nemojte propustiti priliku da se pridružite zajednici koja vas poziva. Nemojte vraæati narod Srbije u prošlost. Niko spolja neæe vas zaustaviti. Niko spolja neæe stajati na vašem putu. Pridružite nam se. Zacelite ožiljke Evrope i zacelite svoje ožiljke.

Hvala vam.