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THE REBIRTH OF THE SURVEY
Because of his employment as a gauger in the New York Customs House, and also his well-deserved reputation as a metrologist, Hassler was appointed the first Superintendent of the Office of Weights and Measures on November 2, 1830. His immediate
task was to compare the weights and measures used at the various customs
houses in order to standardize the collection of duties from one custom
house to the next. Ironically, his work was set back because a ship carrying
the needed scientific apparatus from New York to Washington, D.C., was
stranded on an uncharted shoal in Chesapeake Bay and the instruments lost.(1)
Once the comparisons were started, it was found that: "The standards, where
any such existed, were transmitted to Washington, and it soon appeared
that they were of so irregular a character, and so unworthy of confidence,
that the comparison of them, indefatigably pursued by Mr. Hassler, was
a task entirely beneath his attention. The measure which proved nearest
to the standard was a folding yard stick from Philadelphia, the
length of which is stated as 36.0002465 standard inches."(2)
Hassler threw himself into this work with his usual energy. The results were first reported in House of Representatives Document No. 299, 22nd Congress, 1st Session.(3) This document is the first scientific document ever produced from the Office of Weights and Measures, today's National Institute of Standards and Technology. Hassler, reflecting his background as a Swiss jurist, once again displayed his ability to intertwine highly technical concepts with relevant social concerns: "Among the means of distributing justice in a country, which is the aim of the establishment of Governments, rank unavoidably the fixation and distribution of accurate weights and measures for all the daily dealings of active life. "Faint traces of such regulations have been preserved for us by history
from early nations, anterior even to those which we are in the habit of
calling the ancients. But the researches upon have interest only for the
philosophic inquirer, and are entirely foreign to the practical purposes
of an establishment of standards in the present times. To quote here the
fact, is only to show that establishments of this kind are, by their nature,
subject to lose the sufficient accuracy, regularity, and even the recollection
of their principles; that, therefore, they need, at certain epochs, a complete
revision, or even new establishment, by the more refined scientific means
of the time, to adapt them to the more refined social intercourse."(4)
Hassler had not lost interest in surveying and astronomy during this
period. With his uncanny ability to promote the Survey of the Coast, and
it might be added himself, he spent February 12, 1831, observing an eclipse
of the sun "under the Colonnade of the south front of the President's house
at the City of Washington."(5) If he had
not made the acquaintance of "Old Hickory", President Andrew Jackson, by
then, it is assured that he did during his strategically placed observations
of the eclipse. Not surprisingly, on July 10, 1832, the law governing the
Survey of the Coast was again modified to allow the employment of civilians.(6)
Prior to the passage of this act, Representative Aaron Ward of New York
attacked Hassler and the previous conduct of the Survey of the Coast on
May 29, 1832, on the floor of the House of Representatives. He stated that
Hassler had spent over $200,000 and had worked over ten years with meager
results. Once again, the argument was advanced "that a correct knowledge
of our coasts may be obtained in a much shorter time, and at very moderate
expense, by adopting the chronometric mode."(7)
As before, public criticism of Hassler played right into his hands. He
responded on June 18, 1832, in the Washington Globe, significantly
a pro-Jackson newspaper. He states that only $55,631.02 had been spent
on the Survey up until his dismissal in 1818 of which $37,549.98 went for
instruments and expenses associated with procuring the instruments; approximately
$13,000 in actual field expenses; and approximately $4,600 in setting the
work to rest in 1818. He states that, "The ten years stated dwindle, therefore,
into seven months and eight days actual field work..." as opposed to Ward's
ten years. Without calling Mr. Ward a liar, misinformed, or even just plain
wrong, Hassler goes on to say, "The other parts of Mr. Ward's statements
are foreign to the subject."(8) To Ward's
credit, upon receiving "detailed correct statements" from Hassler, "he
immediately agreed to correct what he had said, in accordance with them,
when the question would again come up in Congress..."(9)
Following passage of the bill, Hassler took the liberty of writing Louis
McLane, then Secretary of the Treasury, with his plan for proceeding ahead
with the Survey of the Coast. As the first point of his plan, he stated
the following principle as the foundation of any work to be accomplished:
"In all the applications of exact sciences to practical purposes, the main
aim must always be to obtain the greatest certainty of accuracy in the
results; thence also to obtain the means of proving them by the principles
of the science itself; it is even necessary to aim at a much more minute
accuracy than might be considered satisfactory, if that degree of accuracy
shall be secured which is absolutely requisite in the ultimate results."(10)
He coupled the principle of attaining the highest accuracy possible with
conducting coherent triangulation surveys as the foundation of that accuracy.
Concerning economy, he argued, "In point of economy of time and money,
it must be at once obvious, that only that method can be economical in
both respects, which gives directly accurate and constant unchangeable
results, and the most in a given time: this is obtainable by the trigonometric
operations above described, and by no other."
Having learned his lesson well in 1818 concerning time of completion
of the survey, he stated emphatically, "To presume upon stating a precise
time within which such a work, undertaken in any way whatsoever, will be
fully accomplished, is altogether preposterous, and might be considered
as a proof of a want of acquaintance with the subject.... The men in whose
trust the work is given must, by their honesty and zeal for the work, deserve
the confidence of the Government in this respect, as well as in all others:
their honor and credit are too closely enlisted in the task, not to call
forth all their exertions towards presenting honorable and early results...."(11)
Hassler gambled in writing this letter that the country was ready to
conduct the Survey of the Coast along the scientific principles that he
knew such an endeavor required. He won the gamble and was re-appointed
Superintendent of the Survey of the Coast on August 9, 1832. Although he
had the acquaintance of President Jackson and the Survey of the Coast was
placed under the Department of the Treasury, his primary champion throughout
this political battle was Edward Livingston, the Secretary of State. In
fact, Hassler had wanted the Survey placed under Livingston in the Department
of State. In response to a letter dated January 2, 1833, the Russian Admiral
Krusenstern makes it plain whom Hassler most thanked for his re-instatement
in the Survey. Krusenstern writes, "... It appears from your letter that
we are chiefly indebted for the great undertaking, so important to navigation
and hydrography, to your scientific Secretary of State. Mr. Livingston,
indeed, could not have given a more convincing proof of his superior mind,
than by appreciating your merit, and intrusting to you, in spite of your
antagonists, that great national work."(12)
Under this new plan, Hassler's salary was set at $3,000 per year with
$1,500 for expenses while in the field, and he would continue as Superintendent
of the Office of Weights and Measures with no additional compensation.
Although a large remuneration for the period, under his original contract
in 1816 he received a salary of $3,000 and $2,000 for expenses without
the added responsibilities of Weights and Measures. Inflation had occurred
over the intervening years and disputes over travel expenses and field
related costs would cause Hassler many administrative and monetary problems
over the next few years.
Following his appointment, Hassler dropped his work on Weights and Measures
and commenced preparations for reinstituting the field work of the Survey.
He began the process of collecting the instruments from their various repositories.
(Some were with the Army engineers, some were being used by Simeon Borden
on the survey of the state of Massachusetts, some were decorations in various
officials' offices, and some were broken beyond repair.) He asked for funds
to cover the cost of field work in September and received a reply from
Asbury Dickins, Acting Secretary of the Treasury, "that no advances can
be made to any public officer or agent for disbursement without the consent
of the President; and, owing to his absence from the seat of Government,
that cannot now be had. On the President's return, which is expected about
the middle of next month, application will be made to him for the necessary
authority."(13)
Although the War Department and Navy Department were supposed to provide him with assistants for work in the field, they also were mired in their own bureaucracy. In spite of his past experience with Felch and Roberdeau, Hassler felt that it was in the interest of the country to have Army and Navy personnel associated with the Survey as, "It will have the advantage of preparing officers in an essential part of their employment, and of giving them a knowledge of the localities of the country, by which they may become particularly useful in the future."(14) Less than thirty years later, the truth of this statement would be borne out in the American Civil War. Hassler had only the help of Lieutenant V. Bomford, a recent graduate
of West Point; Midshipman James L. Henderson; and his son Scipio, who as
before was unpaid. Undaunted, he went to New York and recovered the existing
survey monuments in preparation for conducting the secondary triangulation.
In the scheme of operations, Hassler planned to carry primary triangulation,
of very large-sided figures and high accuracy, parallel to the coast and
in advance of a secondary triangulation. This secondary triangulation would
use the primary triangulation monuments as starting points and then establish
a relatively high-density network of surveyed monuments and landmarks that
would control the hydrographic and topographic surveys. With no funding
and minimal personnel, the secondary triangulation was not begun in 1832.
As a consequence, hydrographic surveys were not begun until 1834.
Political battles still had to be fought. On February 27, 1833, there
was a proposal to place the Survey of the Coast under the direction of
a committee composed of the Under-Secretary of the Treasury and representatives
from the War and Navy Departments. Hassler reacted immediately by writing
his champion, Secretary of State Livingston, that "a Committee can do no
work in this business, impedes all work ... that under any
Committee whatever, established as above, the work being impossible, I
would be obliged to withdraw instantly, and leave the whole to its unhappy
fate, from which I had tried to rescue it, and for which your kind exertions
had so well laid the foundation, and concurred with me to make it honorable
and useful to the country."(15)
Livingston seemed to have stifled any further discussion concerning
a committee. It is odd that Livingston was able to exert this power over
a function that neither resided in his department nor for which he had
any direct need. Andrew Jackson respected Livingston as a legal scholar
and writer, but he repeatedly criticized Livingston's manner of dealing
with people. In fact Jackson was working towards easing Livingston out
of his cabinet at this time.(16) In this
instance, he must have concurred with his judgement regarding Hassler and
the Survey.
Before taking to the field, new instruments were ordered from Troughton
in London to replace those injured by misuse over the years and those provided
to the War Department for surveys in the western states. Captain Andrew
Talcott, who invented the Talcott method of latitude determination, had
been provided with a suite of instruments from the Survey of the Coast
for surveying the Ohio boundary. On April 13, 1833, Hassler arrived in
New York to begin preparations for the field work. Many of the administrative
details had been ironed out. Although it would be a few months until they
were all together, he had begun the hiring of civilian assistants with
the first being James Ferguson; followed by Robert Livingston, the grandson
of Secretary Livingston; and Edmund Blunt, Jr., of the famous Blunt charting
and mapping firm of New York. Captain William Swift, United States Army,
brother of Hassler's old friend General Joseph Swift, became his chief
administrative assistant and would remain so for many years. On April 26,
Hassler headed to Staten Island to begin survey operations and stayed in
the field until December 11.
Hassler related to the Secretary of the Treasury an incident that occurred
during the field campaign that illustrated the hazards of life in the field.
A letter written from Bald Hill, near Wilton, Connecticut, July 27th, 1833,
described the incident: "....on the 24th instant, about half past two,
P.M., a storm appearing to threaten us, I took preliminarily the telescope
off from the theodolite, and secured it, in a bed, in another tent, --
but could not return to the instrument itself before the strength of all
of us, assistants and men, was needed, to hold the tent of the instrument
and the instrument itself against the severest gale, with hail and rain.
With difficulty I brought the theodolite, with the help of an assistant,
out of the tent in the open hail-storm, leaving the tent, the instrument's
stand, &c., &c. to be blown down the hill; but, in putting down
the instrument, we were blown off from it, and my coat taking it in by
the wind, occasioned that it was upset. The repeating circle, treated in
the same manner, escaped all accidents and injury. The derangement of the
adjustment, and other accidents to the theodolite, I have been able to
repair, I hope, without further consequences. While we engaged at the instruments,
all our tents except one were fully blown away, partly broken; and the
three barometers that were in one of them were entirely broken, so that
they have been sent to New York to repair. Not three hours before that,
I had been bled, on account of the severe pain in my breast, occasioned
by a fall upon a rock three days before, which had been so severe as to
deprive me of speech, and made me apprehend some internal lesion. The severe
drenching and exertions which the storm brought upon me, together with
all the other, are perhaps the cause that I am still suffering under the
effect of the fall, particularly in stooping for observations."(17)
Natural hazards and hazards caused by the medical practices of the day
were not the only problems affecting Hassler during the field season of
1833. Although working in predominantly rural areas, his signals were disturbed,
removed, or destroyed on a sufficiently regular basis that he was compelled
to issue a public notice from Tashua Hill, Connecticut, on September 2,
1833, requesting that "all the signals ... be left undisturbed in all possible
respects...." He further stated that agreements will be made with property
owners for use of their land and "that any deterioration, disturbance of
their perpendicularity, or otherwise injuring, shall be prosecuted by them
as trespass ... with all the claims for damages that such disturbances
would occasion to the work of the Survey...." This sort of notice seems
to have done as little good then at stemming vandalism of survey marks
as they do in the Twentieth Century; the following year he complained that
vandals were even digging up the porcelain cylinders that he had buried
in "secret places."
Overall, 1833 had been a very successful year for the Survey of the
Coast. The most significant accomplishment was the training of James Ferguson
and Edmund Blunt such that they were able to take over independent field
parties engaged in the secondary triangulation by the end of the year.
Captain Swift had also been trained in the survey operations. The Survey
was expanding and the foundation laid for the rapid expansion of the triangulation
network with the accompanying ability to conduct the hydrographic and topographic
surveys.
Hassler returned to Washington, D.C.; and, in early January, 1833, he
wrote a series of reports and letters to the new Secretary of the Treasury,
Roger B. Taney. Either Taney had absolutely no interest in dealing with
the Survey of the Coast, or he was aware that the Survey was being transferred
out of his department. Whatever the cause, the only letter that Taney ever
wrote to Hassler was dated March 12, 1834 informing him that, "The superintendence
of the Coast Survey has, with the approbation of the President, been transferred
from the Treasury to the Navy Department." Although not as drastic as the
action of 1818, the effect on Hassler must have been somewhat akin to being
struck by lightning a second time.
Hassler's reaction to the transfer of the Survey of the Coast to the Department of the Navy was predictable. He resigned on March 14, 1834. Although Hassler never served in any military organization, either in Switzerland or the United States, he counted many friends among the military men of his adopted land and welcomed young officers to the field parties. He also displayed no personal fear of either elements or man throughout his life. What was the source of his jaundiced view of placing the Survey under the Secretary of the Navy? The key to his attitude lay in Hassler's view that, if he was given the trust to be placed in charge, no man without his scientific abilities or little concept of the requirements of the work could rightfully criticize his actions in directing the Survey. In going to the Navy, he feared control. He didn't fear this for himself, but for his vision of the precepts under which he felt the Survey must be conducted. Recalling Chaplain Felch and Colonel Roberdeau, it is easy to see how Hassler could infer that his aim of accuracy would be sacrificed to the false economy of hurry-up detached surveys. But that isn't the argument that he makes in his resignation. He adds a corollary to Colonel Roberdeau's argument concerning military control by civilians: "The experience of all countries where an army and navy exist, has proved that in works of this nature it is impossible to make the officers of either one of the departments work under the other with that harmony and individual zeal which is an absolute sine qua non of the success of the work, and I might add to this my own experience in my work in this country. The moral organization of such a work has peculiar difficulties, which have in all countries decided to give their direction to some man of science, unconnected with either army or navy...." On March 22, 1834, Hassler wrote to Levi Woodbury, the Secretary of
the Navy, that he had spoken directly to President Jackson who had assured
him that he had "his full concurrence in preventing the difficulties and
the clashings that might accrue from the concurrence of collaborators taken
from the citizens, the navy, and the army, which you know it is indispensable
to unite." Hassler goes on to say that as "nothing personal" caused him
to submit his resignation, that he "considered it proper for me to yield
to the President's wishes" and continue his work on the Survey of the Coast.
Hassler's fears proved groundless over the next few years as the civilian
employees and Army and Navy personnel all did their jobs well with little
or no dissension in the field. There was also little or no interference
with Hassler's scientific principles. However, Hassler chafed under administrative
controls for much of his time while associated with the Department of the
Navy.
As with every time that Hassler was subjected to a change of administration,
a change of department, or a change of secretary of the department that
the Survey was attached to, he was asked by Secretary Woodbury the time
to complete the survey and the funds necessary to complete it. The request
for this information was actually written the same day that Hassler tendered
his resignation. Hassler bluntly replied concerning the time required:
"... I would distrust the ability or veracity of the man who would undertake
to decide upon this by the statement of any positive time..." Hassler then
spent the next few months responding to other queries of Woodbury and preparing
for the upcoming field season.
In May, Hassler provided a report to the Secretary detailing all work
that had been accomplished from the beginning of triangulation in 1817.
This report was quite lengthy, including 55 separate sections, but sheds
light on the chasm existing between Hassler's view of the Survey and that
of the politicians of the day. As an addendum to the law of 1832 which
allowed Hassler to be reappointed as Superintendent of the Survey of the
Coast, it was stipulated that no permanent national observatory would be
erected. This was, in reality, a warning to Hassler that the Congress was
not ready to fund any permanent scientific institution and that the Survey
of the Coast was to be finished in a short time. Hassler didn't take the
hint. Section 16 of his May 1834 report stated: "This peculiarity of the
law of 1832 I have always considered ... as intended to provoke a more
direct and separate proposition for the establishment of a proper national
observatory, upon a greater scale than a mere accessory to the Coast Survey,
and properly adapted to the standing of our country among the civilized
nations that have a navy...."(18) Hassler
was also totally oblivious to the political realities of the day, as the
previous President, John Quincy Adams, had been roundly spoofed and criticized
for his advocacy of "a lighthouse in the skies;" i.e., a national observatory.
Two items of technical interest are mentioned in this report. Section
31 relates that all longitudes of the initial triangulation and surveys
were related to the City Hall of New York City, "there being no other point
within the limits of the Survey astronomically determined, nor any fixed
point in the United States from which the longitude could be counted."
In an early reference to the establishment of sea level as a vertical datum,
Section 32 addresses the practice of observing vertical angles as well
as horizontal angles at all of the main stations and that: "These observations
will furnish in time an interesting collection of data upon the elevation
of all these points over the elevation of the sea..."
THE GREAT FIRE ISLAND BASE LINE
The last base line that Hassler measured in his career was the Fire Island base line, measured in 1834. This was the longest and most accurate base line measured up to that time. In June, 1834, Hassler took to the field and proceeded to New York where
he attended to some administrative details and hired workers to assist
in the manual labor associated with the Fire Island base line measurement.
This base line location was so chosen as to be able to transfer the distance
from the beach to the stations of Rutlands [spelled Rulands on some documents]
and Westhills located on hills in the interior of Long Island. These two
stations were occasionally referred to as the "mountain base", which was
used as the base for the large triangles tying together the Long Island
and Connecticut triangulation.
Prior to beginning the measurement, the secondary parties under Blunt
and Ferguson were completing their work for the spring; Ferguson on the
north side of Long Island Sound and Blunt on Long Island. Midshipman John
Dahlgren, later of ordnance development fame, was engaged in placing the
earthenware cones, used for permanent station markers, at the secondary
stations occupied by Ferguson. By the end of June, Hassler had collected
all of his assistants and the hired men and commenced reconnaissance work
for the Fire Island base line. Initially, two possible lines were selected;
both from the vicinity of Fire Island Light to Station Head and Horns,
approximately eight miles to the east. These initial lines were found to
project over intervening sandhills and rough topography; as a consequence,
Hassler chose to run the base line down the beach.
To assure that the line was laid out as straight as possible, Hassler
controlled its direction with a surveyor's transit and placed stakes every
four hundred meters along the line as determined by preliminary chaining.
Once the line was laid out and the preliminary measurement completed, he
was then ready to begin the accurate measurement of this line with his
8-meter base measurement apparatus. As to the actual operation of this
instrument, in 1825 Hassler informed the reader of his "Papers": "I might
now describe the manipulation of this apparatus in the actual measurement
of a base line, but I consider the use of each part of it so obvious to
a person sufficiently acquainted with these subjects, as to render such
description unnecessary."(19)
In his report to the Secretary of the Navy concerning this base line
dated November 11, 1834, Hassler once again failed to relate the methodology
of using the apparatus. Joseph Henry described the apparatus and its use
in 1845: "... the whole measuring rod consisted of an assemblage of four
iron bars, each of two metres (39.4 inches) in length; these were
clamped together and supported in a wooden trough, prepared for the purpose;
the bars had previously been accurately compared with a copy of the French
standard, which had been obtained by Mr. Hassler in 1799. It also requires
no inconsiderable skill to place the rods in two consecutive positions
in a straight line, and to make the beginning of one coincide with the
ending of the other. In the French and English surveys, the latter object
was attempted to be effected by the simple contact of the ends of the rod
with a fixed obstacle, while in the American survey, the same object was
more accurately attained by an optical contact. For this purpose, a hair
[actually a strand of spider cocoon silk] was stretched across a semicircular
opening at the end of the bar, and made to coincide with the image of the
intersection of two lines drawn on a plate of ivory attached to a microscope,
which was itself fixed for the time on a stand entirely separate from the
support of the rod. The microscope remaining undisturbed, the rod was carried
forward to a new position, and the hair stretched across the opening in
the hinder end made to coincide with the same point. The microscope was
next moved forward and adjusted to the hair on the front end of the rod,
and so on to the end of the operation."(20)
This operation was repeated approximately 1,800 times in the measurement
of the Fire Island Base, each set-up being termed a "box" by Hassler. Because
of the selection of the base line site on the beach, some of the sections
of the line could only be measured at low tide. The final distance reported
in Hassler's Third Report dated May 8, 1835, was 14,058.9870 meters.(21)
The base line was actually measured over 45 days in August, September,
and October 1834. Hassler complained of the "equinoctial storms" causing
delays in the work and sickness. He spent the winter calculating the thermal
expansion of the bar caused by varying temperature with each setup and
correcting the measured distance for any observed inclination of the bar.
This had to have been an extremely tedious operation with all computations
being double-checked by Lieutenant Swift and Passed Midshipman Dahlgren.
Their computations fell within 0.10 inch of Hassler's. (22)
The Fire Island base line was located along the area of New York coastline
where many vessels shipwrecked. Indicative of the state of knowledge of
our coast at the time, Hassler noted that two vessels had stranded on Fire
Island during the surveying operations on Long Island, and the remains
of eight other wrecks of recent origin littered the beach. The survey party
became salvagers, as pieces of one of the most recent wrecks were used
by the survey party to shelter the measuring apparatus from the waves when
passing between areas of high and low water. According to Hassler, a contributing
factor to the high incidence of shipwreck in this area was that a ship
approaching from the east at twilight would follow a long straight stretch
of coast; but, at the west end of Fire Island, the coast took a more southerly
turn. Ships would find themselves upon this projection some time after
dark.(23) It was ironic that Hassler's
son, Naval Assistant Surgeon Charles Augustus Hassler, died during a storm
in the wreck of the U.S.S. ATLANTIC along the shores of Long Island in
1846.
During 1834, the secondary triangulation and the accompanying shoreline
topography had advanced to such a stage that it became feasible to establish
a sounding party. Secretary of the Navy Mahlon Dickerson (Woodbury had
become Secretary of the Treasury where he would supervise Hassler's activities
in Weights and Measures) wrote to Hassler in September that Lieutenant
Thomas Gedney would be provided with a vessel of his choice to take up
work in the Coast Survey. (24)
Gedney procured the schooner JERSEY for use on the Survey; and in October
he commenced sounding operations in Great South Bay, between Fire Island
and Long Island. It is probable that the ship was used merely as a base
of operations for this survey and that all soundings were done by launches.
This first surveying was done over a period of only a few weeks as winter
was approaching and the ship was tied up for the winter in early December.
The sounding boats had six oarsmen, a coxswain to steer, two officers
to observe horizontal sextant angles between fixed signals on shore to
position the boat, two leadsman, and an officer for recording angles and
soundings. An officer with a sextant and a boy with a spyglass were stationed
at each of three shore stations. In the morning, each shore station would
hoist a flag to indicate their readiness to commence work. The ship, in
turn, would hoist a flag to the mast head; and, when it was started down,
the officers on shore would measure the angle between a fixed shore point
to the sounding boat or to the ship if it was the sounding vessel. This
procedure would be repeated throughout the day every few minutes and give
five angles per fix to be plotted. This redundancy reduced uncertainties
associated with the location of soundings but greatly added to final processing
of results. Usually, there were six to ten soundings taken in the interval
between "fixes". The sounding boat would attempt to maintain a straight
course and a uniform speed between fixes. In these early days, there was
little understanding of the nature of uncertainties in the "problem of
three points" as related to positioning a vessel. As this understanding
grew, the requirement for shore observers was dispensed with, and the positioning
of the vessel was accomplished completely by three-point horizontal angle
sextant fixes. This method involved two sextant observers using a common
center object and taking a left angle and right angle from that center
object to position the vessel.(25)
The officers attached to this first survey ship in its first years of
operation are worthy of note. Four rose to high rank in the Navy. David
Dixon Porter became Admiral of the Navy, the highest ranking officer in
the Navy, following the Civil War. John Rodgers, Benjamin F. Sands, and
Thornton A. Jenkins all became Rear-Admirals.(26)
Rodgers and Sands each became directors of the Naval Observatory while
Jenkins was instrumental in restructuring the Lighthouse Service. The commanding
officer, Thomas R. Gedney, although not rising to the highest levels of
the Navy, did save the life of President Andrew Jackson, by knocking down
a would-be assassin on January 31, 1835, at a funeral in Washington, D.C.,
just a few short weeks after taking leave from the JERSEY.(27)
Although the 1834 field season bore little fruit for the Survey, in
1835 the JERSEY made a discovery that assured the continuance of the Survey
under Hassler's superintendence. The JERSEY finished the western half of
Great South Bay and then worked westerly along the coast of Long Island.
After finishing Long Island, the ship worked at the entrance to New York
harbor, from the western tip of Long Island to Sandy Hook. Prior to this
survey, ships approaching New York had to sail to the New Jersey coast
and pass close to the shore at Sandy Hook as this was the only channel
known into the harbor. Larger ships had to wait for high tide to enter
the harbor. Hassler felt that there had to be another deep-water channel
over the bar and instructed Gedney to search for it. Lieutenant Gedney
discovered a channel which led directly into the harbor, farther to the
north, that was two feet deeper than the Sandy Hook channel, was of sufficient
width to allow vessels to beat into or out of the harbor under most wind
conditions, and cut down the sailing time into New York harbor considerably.
The military importance of this discovery was also pointed out: if the
channel had been known to exist during the Revolutionary War, it would
have made the blockade and occupation of New York much more difficult for
the British. This channel, called New Channel on the survey sheets, became
known as Gedney Channel.(28)
Hassler wasted no time in publicizing this discovery and in early 1836
took the plotted surveys and many of the naval officers who had worked
on the survey to President Andrew Jackson. RADM Benjamin F. Sands recalled
that, "We of the hydrographic party had to show off our charts at this
special meeting, and the President, Andrew Jackson, expressed himself much
pleased, to Mr. Hassler's great gratification."(29)
Oddly, Hassler does not mention the discovery of this channel in either
his 1835 or 1836 annual report, but in 1837 he writes of this discovery
that has such "importance and great value, for the so highly important
harbor of New York." He goes on: "Lieutenant Gedney found a channel that
admits, even at low water, every size of merchant vessels. This channel
has already been buoyed out for service in future; and the passing of the
OHIO, 74 gun ship through it, is a fact of public notoriety."(30)
Although Gedney testified in 1842 at Congressional hearings (31)
on the Coast Survey that he could have found and buoyed out Gedney's Channel
by the old survey methods, this was doubtful as mariners had been entering
New York harbor for over two hundred years on a regular basis and had not
yet discovered any channel but by Sandy Hook. Hassler, continuing his 1837
report, promoted both the Survey and his methods when he expounded on the
reason for this:
"That such a valuable discovery, which appeared to lie so near, was
not made earlier, is to be attributed simply to the manner in which nautical
surveys have generally been made. Without sufficient accurate fixed points
on the shore, which the other works of the coast survey furnished, such
a discovery was impossible; the most experienced and attentive seaman
might have sailed about this channel ever so often, without being able
to ascertain the fact; because the place of his vessel, at any time, presents
him only an insulated point, disconnected with other parts, and even to
a number of such points he is unable to assign a direction sufficiently
accurate to aver any such facts; such discoveries can only be the result
of a systematic work, grounded upon full mathematical principles, as applied
in our works."
Equally important discoveries were made in Delaware Bay between 1840
and 1843 by adhering to Hassler's methods. Hassler only alluded to some
of these discoveries in his report for 1841 when he stated, "The coast
survey has far more than paid its expenses up to this time, by the advantages
which it has procured to two of the principal ports of the country, New
York and Philadelphia, the accurate knowledge of which has made known advantages
in their navigation superior to those hitherto known." (32)
Lieutenant Commanding George S. Blake, who conducted the surveys in Delaware
Bay, expanded on these discoveries in his letter of January 11, 1844, to
the Superintendent of the Coast Survey:
"DEAR SIR: In reply to your letter of the 6th instant, relative to recent
discoveries made in the Delaware Bay by the parties of the coast survey
engaged there, I beg to say, that our charts show a perfectly safe and
direct channel, practicable for merchant vessels of the largest size, at
low water, and, when the tide is two-thirds up, for frigates, to
the westward of a narrow dangerous ridge, about fourteen miles long, running
through the middle of the bay, called upon the old charts Joe Flogger,
or Folger, and where no channel has heretofore been supposed to exist.
"The advantages of this discovery to the commerce of Philadelphia, as
well as to the naval establishment there, when this channel is properly
buoyed, must be very great....
"Other discoveries have been made in the Delaware of much importance.
Among them, three channels over the 'ridges of Cape May,' which, when properly
buoyed, will be of very great utility to the great and increasing coal
trade of Philadelphia ...."
In an amazing comment on the accuracy of the existing charts of Delaware
Bay, Blake continues:
"I should add, that there is no chart extant of the Delaware, deserving
the name. The situation assigned by the most authentic chart to one of
the principal light-houses is nearly seven miles in error. Many
dangerous shoals having but few feet water upon them, and upon which numerous
wrecks have occurred, are laid down from three to five miles from the truth,
and the bay is in one part represented as fifteen miles in width,
when it is actually but seven."(33)
Not just the soundings were capturing the attention of the hydrographers
attached to the Survey. In 1838, Lieutenant George Mifflin Bache wrote
to the Secretary of the Treasury with a suggestion that the United States
adopt a system of standardized buoy coloring such that: "On sailing up
a sound, bay, or channel, or entering a harbor, all the buoys on spits
extending from the shore, which are to be left on the right hand, are painted
red; all those on the left hand, are painted black."(34)
This suggestion was first put into effect by Lieutenant Commanding John
R. Goldsborough, commander of the Coast Survey Schooner WAVE and assistant
in the Coast Survey, in 1847 in Long Island and Fisher's Island Sound from
Bramford Reef off New London to Montauk. For the last century and a half,
mariners in United States waters have followed the maxim "Red right return",
which was first suggested and developed in the Coast Survey.
Lieutenant Bache also conceived the idea in 1842 of plotting a geological
map of the seafloor based on plotting of the bottom specimens that were
acquired during normal sounding operations.(35)
It also became apparent through the efforts of the Coast Survey hydrographers
and the coastal topographers that both the configurations of the shoreline
and the bottom of the sea were changing as a result of tides, currents,
and storm waves. Thus, the early beginnings of marine and coastal geology
in the United States had their roots in Hassler's Coast Survey.
Although the early years of the Survey had few remarkable adventures
at sea, one episode stands out relative to "normal" shipboard occurrences.
In August, 1839, the Brig WASHINGTON, Lieutenant Commanding Thomas Gedney,
was engaged in surveying operations in the eastern end of Long Island Sound
when it noticed an odd-appearing vessel anchored off of Montauk Point.
This was the schooner AMISTAD which had left Cuba on June 28 with a cargo
of 52 slaves.(36) Under the leadership
of the man who became known as Cinque, the slaves took over the ship and
killed the crew leaving only two Spaniards alive to help navigate the ship
to Africa. Cinque killed the captain with his own hands. The Spaniards,
using the compass of which the Africans were ignorant, headed north and
arrived off New York on August 20. The AMISTAD encountered the New York
pilot boat, asked the way to Africa, and then proceeded east along the
south shore of Long Island to its encounter with the WASHINGTON.
Lieutenant Commanding Gedney sent a boarding crew to the AMISTAD. When
the officer in charge of the boarding party found only Africans on deck
with large cane knifes, he leapt into the rigging and with pistol drawn
ordered them below. All went except Cinque who jumped overboard and swam
for forty minutes eluding the boat crew. Ultimately he was captured and
a prize crew under Passed Midshipman David Dixon Porter took the AMISTAD
to New London and the custody of a United States Marshall. Gedney, apparently
not too concerned about the social implications of this episode, applied
for, and apparently received, salvage value of the schooner and its non-human
cargo. Cinque and his fellow Africans were charged with murder and piracy;
the Spanish minister filed a claim for the ships, slaves, and cargo on
behalf of the King of Spain; the two surviving Spaniards filed a claim
for possession of the slaves; and aroused abolitionists filed claims against
the two Spaniards for false imprisonment. At the initial hearing in New
Haven, the judge instructed the jury that the Africans had committed no
crimes against the United States and that they were to decide only if they
were slave or free. President Martin Van Buren, concerned about the Southern
vote in the upcoming election, sent a warship to New Haven to seize Cinque
and his band and transport them to the South before abolitionists could
appeal if the court found that they were legally slaves. However, the court
ruled that the Africans were kidnaped into slavery and hence legally free.
In a disgusting turnabout, the Government appealed that decision. Former
President John Quincy Adams eloquently defended the Africans before the
Supreme Court where it was decided that they were neither slaves nor subjects
of Spain. The court directed that they "be declared free, and be dismissed
from the custody of the Court, and go without delay."
Through their own work and the assistance of abolitionist societies
and missionary societies, Cinque and his fellow Africans earned their way
home to Sierra Leone. He and his band stood as symbols of the humanity
of the African slaves and the power of the human spirit. They became a
powerful influence in further turning the tide of Northern public opinion
against the institution of slavery. Their capture, incarceration, and trial
were a step on the road to the American Civil War.
By the time of Hassler's death, the Survey had a small fleet operating
along the East Coast of the United States. The Brig WASHINGTON and the
schooner JERSEY each had four sounding boats, the schooners GALLATIN and
NAUTILUS had three sounding boats each, while the schooner VANDERBILT had
one sounding boat. The schooner NAUTILUS was the first United States vessel
built from the keel up as a hydrographic survey vessel. The schooner EXPERIMENT
was found to be unfit for hydrographic survey work (as Hassler had predicted
when the vessel was first assigned to the Survey) and was returned to the
Navy. All of these ships and their accompanying boats left a legacy of
808,147 soundings along the coast of the United States from Long Island
Sound to Delaware Bay that were acquired before Hassler's death.
AMOS KENDALL, THE FOURTH AUDITOR
Hassler's problems after entering the Department of the Navy did not
emanate from attempts to control the direction of his scientific activities.
Hassler ran into the biggest administrative headaches of his career when
his accounts were transferred from the First Auditor under the Treasury
Department to the Fourth Auditor, Amos Kendall, Esquire.
Amos Kendall was as stubborn and high-principled in his way as Hassler
was in his. Kendall was not a career civil servant but came to Washington
in 1829 as one of President Andrew Jackson's most ardent supporters and
one of his most trusted advisors. Kendall has been described as "a spectacularly
homely man -- nearsighted, stooped, with a chronic illness that produced
a sallow complexion accentuated by his prematurely white hair. He seemed
perpetually enveloped in a profound silence -- until he picked up his editorial
pen. Then all manner of thunderbolts shot out of him."(37)
He had been a Jackson ally as editor of the Argus of Western America,
an influential western newspaper. He was a member of Jackson's "Kitchen
Cabinet", and perhaps the most influential of all of Jackson's advisors.
Indeed, John Quincy Adams, an avowed political foe of both Jackson and
his successor, Martin Van Buren, wrote in his diary on December 4, 1840:
"Both the men have been for twelve years the tool of Amos Kendall, the
ruling mind of their dominion."(38) In
short, second to the President and, at least in Adams' mind, superseding
the President, Kendall was the most powerful and influential man in the
United States Government at the time his and Hassler's paths crossed.(39)
Kendall came to Washington with a missionary zeal to root out corruption.
He was particularly sensitive to abuses in the charges for traveling and
believed that "a republican government can only be sustained by 'perpetual
vigilance,' and that scarcely any man is to be trusted when his interests
conflict with his public duties." When appointed Fourth Auditor, Kendall
immediately took to task his predecessor and assured that he was thrown
in jail. He then "discovered and hurled from office" the "numerous peculators"
that were uncovered in the customs houses and other agencies receiving
public monies.(40)
Although it was not until 1834 that Hassler came under his purview,
Kendall had lost none of his zeal. Hassler first got an inkling of this
zeal when engaged on the measurement of the base line at Fire Island. He
was informed that $2,107.78 of his first quarter vouchers had been suspended.
In honesty, Hassler conducted his administrative affairs in a cavalier
manner and cared little for the opinion of those who were not men of science.
He engaged in business affairs with the Government that were bound to raise
eyebrows. The two extreme examples of this were the "jersey wagon" that
he used as his personal conveyance for transportation in the field and
about town and the selling of his personal library to the Survey.
The "jersey wagon" was first built in 1817 as a conveyance designed
especially to carry Hassler's instruments, books, and personal gear from
station to station. It was a peculiar rig; very large, low to the ground,
mounted on easy springs to cushion the motion of the instruments, and boxy
in appearance. It was designed with many compartments that allowed Hassler
to reach needed instruments and books without disturbing the others. It
attracted much attention wherever it went, which Hassler seemed to enjoy
immensely.
When Hassler was taken off the Survey in 1818, he then took this carriage
with him to the Boundary Survey. Upon his resignation from the Boundary
Survey, Hassler bought the wagon at auction for $1,200 and then stored
it on his farm at Cape Vincent until 1832 when he was reinstated as Superintendent
of the Survey. (This was also a prime example of Hassler's lack of common
sense in financial dealings, as it was by no means apparent that Hassler
would have use for such a vehicle again.) He then sold the carriage back
to the Government for $1,000.00 and spent approximately $500.00 of Government
funds in refurbishing it and preparing it for the work. This was probably
the most expeditious manner for him to procure his needed transportation
and increase the efficiency of the Survey. However, Hassler was not content
to confine the use of this vehicle to the field. Lieutenant Charles Wilkes,
who was head of the Depot of Charts and Instruments from 1833 until 1837,
related that:
"... Many will recollect him in his coast survey carriage, drawn by
four fine Sorrell horses which were kept in fine order. Some of his friends
did not like his thus driving about, as it were, at the Government expense,
but he always replied, 'Would you wish the horses to eat without working?'
"I can see him, mounted in his landau, for it more nearly resembled
one than anything else, occupying the back Seat, muffled up, while his
coachman was mounted on a high box, driving four in hand, always at a Rapid
Rate. The Coachman was his cook and body servant, a German by birth and
very faithful to him.... The running gear was of the most solid and best
material and many extra pieces in case of accident. The comparison [caparison]
of the horses was strong and useful, of the best leather and entirely without
gilt or silver. It suited his purposes and he affected to care little about
looks...."(41)
Such a carriage and such behavior served as a lightning rod for Kendall.
Kendall never overtly accused Hassler of corruption, but argued that Hassler
was never authorized to procure anything and that he is "to be provided,"
and he is not "to purchase or provide himself." Kendall told
Hassler that he "has no power under them [his instructions] to purchase
a tent, field-equipage, a wagon, a horse, a book, or an instrument, without
previous authority from the Secretary under whose authority he acts for
the time being."(42) Kendall disallowed
such items as $454.30 for the purchase of books belonging to Hassler by
the Government and all expenses related to Hassler's carriage including
the wages of the driver and care for horses. At first glance, these items
were reasonable to focus upon, but Kendall went on: $363.17 for the purchase
of a theodolite; $68.23 for the hire of "assistants" in the field (if the
voucher had been written "hands", it would have been allowed); $1.00 for
cutting the top of an apple tree for line-of-sight; medicine chest and
blankets for the baseline party on Fire Island; even 12 cents for "horsekeeping;"
all and more disallowed.
In an amusing aside, it seems that food supplies were allowed for camp
life. Wilkes relates this story concerning the rate of consumption of Hassler's
beverage of choice:
"On one occasion he was settling his accounts at the Treasury and they
had put him down as allowed so much whiskey. He was greatly enraged at
this -- he had never drunk a drop of Whiskey in his life and despised it
and all who used it. He drank light wine and the accounting officer had
entered it as whiskey, which he declared he would not submit to & and
if they did not allow it, to strike it out and he would pay for it himself.
The quantity of dozens was very large & it was decreed improbable that
he should have consumed so much, some three bottles a day. He seldom drank
anything else."(43) (44)
Hassler argued that the precedent had already been established for his hiring of personnel in the field, traveling to and from the field for both himself and his assistants from their homes, traveling from station to station, and basically making the procurement actions necessary to keep the Survey operating within the constraints of its budget. Kendall retorted: "...If the former officers have inadvertently passed accounts which were not authorized by law, or any lawful instruction given to Mr. Hassler, it is the duty of the latter (Kendall) to refuse to make like allowances for the future." Kendall goes on, "Thinking it their duty [himself and the 2nd Comptroller] to settle the accounts according to their understanding of the law and instructions, they will not hesitate to overrule any precedent founded in palpable error, even if set by themselves."(45) Hassler was presented with a conundrum. Even if Kendall set a precedent, he (Kendall) would not be bound by it. This, coupled with salary disputes concerning Hassler and his technical personnel and a surprise charge for the ship JERSEY to the Coast Survey budget, effectively froze any action related to the Survey by Hassler for the next year and a half. Within all of this, there is something fascinating about the highest
levels of the United States Government being concerned with such trifles.
Kendall's early efforts as Fourth Auditor had saved the Government over
$1,000,000 per year from reforms put in effect in the Navy Department.
The total appropriation for the Coast Survey in 1834 was $30,000. Hassler's
battles with Amos Kendall would consume much of his energy over the next
two years; heavily involve Mahlon Dickerson, the Secretary of the Navy;
and eventually come to President Jackson for final resolution.
Hassler first attacked the issue of disallowed vouchers. Voucher by
voucher, point by counter-point, Hassler presented his case and virtually
won all arguments with the Fourth Auditor. From thousands of dollars disallowed
over vouchers from most of 1834 through early 1835, Hassler appeared to
have only ended up being charged with a few hundred dollars. In a fit of
pique concerning his books, he stated that he would return the money paid
for his technical library. Whether he did or did not is unclear, as in
fact, he had most of the technical books available in the United States
at that time. It only made sense that those books should be made available
to the civilians and military personnel working with the Survey, and that
the Government should pay for their use. A technical library appeared on
the inventory of the Coast Survey in 1842. Concerning the jersey wagon,
if the Government wished to have him return the money and take possession
of it, he would only have had to have another conveyance procured at a
probable higher cost and have the work disrupted in the meantime. Concerning
traveling to and from his home to the workplace, what nonsense that ever
should have been questioned.
Kendall was appointed Postmaster General on June 1, 1835, ending his
scrutiny of Hassler's accounts. Each probably breathed a sigh of relief.
One can only wonder if Amos Kendall, who had chased many "peculators" from
office and even had some imprisoned, enjoyed sparring with the proud old
man. Hassler certainly proved a worthy adversary.
Hassler did not proceed to the field in 1835 until late fall, and then
for only what could be described as a cursory examination of the field
work. The reasons for this were varied. As related above, he was virtually
consumed with disputing the disallowed vouchers and assuring that his honor
was not impugned. But besides that, he had been tasked on March 10, 1835,
by Levi Woodbury, the Secretary of the Treasury, with producing a set of
standards for all of the customs houses of the United States. Hassler at
this time superintended the Coast Survey under the Secretary of the Navy,
but reported to the Secretary of the Treasury for his work related to Weights
and Measures. Woodbury wanted the 1,600 finely machined weight, length,
and volume standards that were required for the 100 customs houses (sixteen
standards per facility) delivered by December 1, 1835. This, as with the
incessant questions of time of completion of the Coast Survey, reflected
again the naivete of the Government concerning the magnitude of such a
task. Hassler did not even have an assistant at the time as Samuel Schmid,
who had worked with him on Weights and Measures since 1831, had quit in
the summer of 1834.
Three other factors affected Hassler's ability to take to the field
in 1835. The Department of the Navy had procured the schooner JERSEY in
late 1834 and charged it to the Coast Survey appropriation. This was an
unplanned for expenditure as the original law of 1807 stipulated that "public
vessels in actual service" be used for the Survey. This appears to have
been bureaucratic chicanery, as the Navy bought the vessel and then stated
that, because it had no other use but on the Coast Survey, all costs associated
with its procurement and outfitting were to be charged to the Survey. Then
in July, the schooner EXPERIMENT, Lieutenant George S. Blake, Commanding,
was ordered onto Coast Survey duty. The EXPERIMENT was already a United
States vessel, but other costs accrued with this transfer. With these two
unexpected costs, Hassler stated that he had insufficient funds for himself
to proceed to the field on the primary triangulation. The detailing of
the EXPERIMENT to Coast Survey duty also generated additional work for
Hassler, as it required the production of computations and drafting of
survey sheets which Hassler claimed took him three months.
The third factor was the state of Hassler's personal finances. In a
dispute over compensation, on May 15, 1835, he wrote to Secretary of the
Treasury Levi Woodbury that if the given allowance was not increased, that
he would devote himself entirely to Weights and Measures at the rate of
$3,000 per year. This was the compensation agreed upon in 1830. Hassler
continued: "... last spring I was obliged to borrow money to enable me
to leave here for the measurement of the base-line for the Coast Survey;
since then, not only this debt is not paid, but it has been increased,
and I am unable to move without that assistance."(46)
Woodbury, after consulting with President Jackson, wrote back that, if
he chose to abandon the Survey and work only on the Weights and Measures,
his compensation would be reduced to $1500 per year. Hassler backed down
and accepted staying on the Survey. This episode appears to have been the
source of Hassler's personal antipathy for Woodbury. In fairness to Woodbury,
Hassler's timing was incredibly poor for this showdown; just the month
before, Hassler informed Woodbury that he could not possibly finish the
standards for all the customs houses in the desired time "if even every
man in the country, capable to work any part of it, was employed." This
truthful, but seemingly casual, response to the Secretary's desires probably
tempered Woodbury's view of Hassler's worth to the country. Up until this
time, correspondence and, apparently, relations had been amicable between
the two. Woodbury, while Secretary of the Navy, had secured a position
for Hassler's son Charles as an assistant naval surgeon. While Secretary
of the Treasury, he had allowed the hiring of Hassler's son Edward as an
assistant for Weights and Measures just two months earlier.
The incessant in-fighting and personal financial turmoil took its toll
of Hassler's spirit. He wrote to his old friend, former President James
Madison, on July 27, 1835: "Either I must find some station in this country,
affording me means of a decent livelihood, and the establishment of my
family, or I am compelled to the painful necessity to leave again this
country, after I have spent in it the best thirty years of my life, in
the attempt of rendering myself useful.... I have also lost all my property
(which in my native country Switzerland would have constituted a reasonable
independence) by the sacrifices which I have made & losses which I
have incurred in the Coast Survey."(47)
Although Hassler claimed that "Difficulties never subdued me in my life",
it seemed that he was reaching the end of his resources.
However, other than the few acrimonious exchanges with Woodbury concerning
compensation, all of his correspondence in 1835 on Weights and Measures
was remarkably optimistic. Here Hassler is seen at his best, immersing
himself in a challenging scientific project requiring initiative, inventiveness,
and persistence. Hassler demonstrated his talents as a chemist and metallurgist
in the construction of the weight and length standards. He required brass,
a mixture of copper and zinc, of very high purity to achieve the proper
specific gravity of the metal and to retard the effects of oxidation. As
the zinc used in the United States was imported and of uncertain purity,
Hassler hit upon the idea of refining the zinc minerals found at Perkiomen,
Pennsylvania. These minerals were at that time a nuisance, as they were
thrown away "as a refuse from the other ores from which the mine was worked."(48)
Within six months, Hassler had built a refractory furnace, procured
and transported the zinc ore and copper to the site of the furnace at the
U.S. Arsenal in Washington, D.C., and obtained many machine tools for use
in constructing the various standards. On September 18, 1835, Hassler had
"the satisfaction to present to you [Woodbury] a small sample of the first
pure zinc ever produced in this country..." Hassler immediately grasped
the strategic and economic importance of the refinement of this metal over
and above its use in the production of standards. He suggests that his
demonstrating the successful refining of zinc should "perhaps, be considered
as of interest for the country in general ... and the prosecution of the
result could become a means to make the country independent from abroad
in this respect." Given the nature of the technical problems to be overcome
and Hassler's limited resources, he did not complete 100 sets of standards
by December 1, 1835.
The argument over the allocation of funds for the naval vessels engaged
in sounding operations began to intensify in December with Hassler writing
Secretary Dickerson on December 24 to present documents that showed the
sounding parties had cost over $16,000 since their inception, instead of
the $7,000 claimed by the Navy. Dickerson counters by attempting to charge
the Coast Survey for keeping officers on active duty during the winter
months instead of furloughing them at reduced pay. Hassler was informed
of this not by Dickerson, but by Lieutenant George Blake of the EXPERIMENT.
Hassler asked for redress on January 2, 1836, and received no response.
February 17, Hassler sends a letter to Dickerson asking for increased pay
for the Navy and Army officers attached to the Survey "as a compensation
for the extra expenses, to which their constantly moving life subjects
them." No response. March 1 and March 6 two more letters were sent to Dickerson
on financial matters.
On March 8, 1836, Hassler crossed the Rubicon in relation to the Navy
Department. He hand-carried a letter to President Jackson addressing: "REASONS
For placing the Coast Survey in the Treasury Department, and neither in
the War, nor Navy Department."(49) Hassler
listed thirteen points as to why the Department of the Treasury was the
most rational location for the Coast Survey. Actually, only three of these
were reasons for transferring the Survey to the Treasury Department, while
the other ten were complaints about the management of the Survey under
the Navy. This letter had its desired affect. In a flurry of activity beginning
March 22, 1836, the new Fourth Auditor, T. C. Pickett, finds that $9409.30
had been wrongfully charged to the Coast Survey appropriation. On March
23, Dickerson related this to Hassler.
There must have been great personal animosity between Hassler and Dickerson,
in spite of the fact that Dickerson as a Senator in 1818 had voted against
the law to exclude Hassler from the Survey. Hassler replied on March 24
that he was gratified by the return of the funds which had been charged
"improperly as you state." Dickerson sent his last letter to Hassler
on March 25. This was a strongly worded letter that informed Hassler that
many of his concepts as to the organization of the Survey were incorrect,
that he had no contract with the Government, and that he labored "under
a delusion, if you suppose the government to be amenable to you for the
performance of the conditions of your alleged 'positive and acknowledged
contract.'" He ended this diatribe with: "I hope in the course of this
day or to-morrow, to have the superintendence of the Coast Survey transferred
from this department to that of the treasury." Hassler had won.
This in no way ended the Navy's interest in having functions of the
Coast Survey reside within the Navy Department. There was strong support
for this from other quarters, as evidenced by Congress funding the Navy
to survey Georges Bank and some South Carolina and Georgia ports in 1837.
The Georges Bank surveys were conducted under Charles Wilkes, Hassler's
student and protege. Indeed, in 1832, the Navy had sent a survey expedition
to Narragansett Bay at the time that debate was reviving the reinstatement
of Hassler. Fortunately, the survey, although nominally under the command
of Captain Alexander Wadsworth, was run by Lieutenant Wilkes, following
the methods developed by Hassler. As such, it qualifies as the first hydrographic
survey conducted in United States waters by scientific methods. Serendipitously,
Lieutenant Thomas R. Gedney and Lieutenant George S. Blake were assigned
to this survey work and introduced to the methods that they would employ
as the commanding officers of the first two vessels on the Survey of the
Coast.
It is possible that the rivalry for control of the Survey extended back
to its very beginnings. The first hydrographic survey conducted by the
Navy was accomplished by officers and crew of the U.S.S. CONSTITUTION in
1811(50), the year Hassler was commissioned
to proceed to London to acquire surveying instruments. Echoes of these
first bureaucratic battles between the Coast Survey and the Navy would
continue to reverberate even into the Twentieth Century.
Hassler had one last matter to attend to before he could be satisfied
that he was being treated properly by the Government. That was the issue
of just compensation for him and his assistants. His first official letter
upon entering the Treasury Department related to adjustment of compensation
for Captain Swift, his accounting officer in the field; the manner of paying
the army and navy officers attached to the survey; the pay and permanent
employment of a "chief mechanician," and a clerk at the Washington office;
and, of course, his own pay. He attached to this letter a long essay "Upon
the principles of the determination of Salaries, or Compensations in a
Republican Government."(51) There was
no civil service as we know it today; and, it would seem, no real rules
for establishing salaries, per diem rates, and other compensations. This
document was an early attempt to establish a set of principles governing
the tacit contract between the Government and its employees.
Hassler divided the employees of the Government into two classes: 1)
elected officials, upper level executive officers, and upper level administrative
officers, all of whom make policy; and 2) those who do the work required
"in all the varied parts of the administration of a country." Hassler acknowledged
that "To remedy the evils that may be apprehended in the first class, would
need treating the principles of constitutional questions" which was not
his primary intention. As such, most of this essay was concerned with the
"workers".
The highest class of worker in Hassler's hierarchy was the judge, the
need for whom arose from "allaying the difficulties of misunderstanding
between his neighbors...." As Hassler went on concerning judges, he displayed
his firm belief that the least government was the best government as he
states: "... the trust laid in him [the judge] gave him the means to govern
his neighbors; thus arose gradually governments, which circumstances extended,
modified, and ever after rendered obnoxious." (Hassler did not make a joke
here. This was a concise statement of his beliefs.) The remuneration of
a judge must be such that he is independent "in intellectual, moral, and
pecuniary respects" and sufficient to place him in a respectable rank in
society.
Concerning all other officers of the Government, Hassler stated that
they are to be paid in proportion to the quality and quantity of work produced.
For certain classes of labor, he recommended piecework payment, while for
others a salary. He advocated salaries for clerks (writers and accountants)
as well as military officers. He advocated payment of overtime: "All extra
office hours... it is proper in justice to pay to the respective man thus
charged...." Hassler suggested that stipends for travel expenses be periodically
adjusted: "...for it must be observed, that with the increase of the facility
of traveling [the growth of railways and steamboat traffic] the expenses
do not decrease, often, rather the inverse is the case...." He recommended
adequate compensation "to keep men of respectability satisfied in the Government's
services" and recognized that the work suffered if a man was not working
cheerfully or felt that he had been reduced to a menial state. "That such
a state of things is a direct loss for the nation, and contrary
to all economy, is evident."
Hassler's view was that the Government entered into a "positive contract"
with the man appointed to any office, be it civil, military, or naval;
and that the services performed must be positively stated or tacitly understood.
In his own case, he had earlier written out what today would be called
a position description describing both his duties and what was expected
of the Government in return. Perhaps most importantly, he espoused that
if the Government breached the contract, "...that its service loses all
respect, and the officers, whom their situation forces to submit to it,
lose their respectability among their fellow citizens, their own self esteem,
and all attachment to the government."
Hassler spoke out against the spoils system arguing that the "removal
of an officer rendering good services ... without cause of dissatisfaction,
under, suppose an idea of rotation in office, ... can never be done without
injustice and real damage to the regular course of business...." A more
insidious problem was addressed with the "patronage in appointments, in
reference to its influence upon elections." Hassler argued that this influence
was regulated, not by an ever-expanding amount of money being paid to such
appointees, but by a finite amount being divided into ever smaller amounts
in order to purchase more votes. The consequence was: "The low salaries
which of course only such people accept as can do no better, will always
purchase low personal attachment, never good services for a republic...."
Hassler argued that for a republican government to operate effectively,
it requires permanent, well-paid employees whose "attachment to the business,
the regularity, which habit and time can alone establish, with proper knowledge
of the duties of an office, render an officer more efficient, and keep
up regularity and system; of which much of the respectability of an office
depends."
This early treatise spelled out the requirements for the modern civil
service and also addressed many of the pay issues affecting the modern
military. However, Hassler's goal in writing this document was to get what
he considered adequate compensation for himself, his assistants, and the
Army and Navy personnel working on the Coast Survey. Hassler was asking
for $3,000 salary and $3,000 expenses for himself retroactive to 1832;
a return to the system of paying his chief accounting officer, Captain
William Swift, U.S.A., a 2 and ½ percent commission on all vouchers
passed as was the practice before Amos Kendall reviewed the accounts; sea
pay year around for the naval officers attached to the Survey as they were
subject to being furloughed at reduced pay during the winter months when
they were required for processing sounding and navigation records; and
an unspecified increase in pay for his civilian assistants.(52)
In a letter to President Jackson in May 1835, Hassler claimed that he
had lost $16,000 in personal funds to the Survey "which I certainly can
consider as a fully sufficient share on my part to promote the public good
in this line..."(53) This resulted in an
immediate increase in his expense allowance to $2,000 per year from $1,500.
But later Hassler argued that the additional $500 per year was consumed
in further disallowances by auditors resulting in a net loss to himself.
Hassler enlisted friends and the field assistants in this dispute. Hassler's
old friend Lieutenant Colonel Abert, by 1836 head of the Topographical
Engineers, wrote to Woodbury: "Mr. Hassler may have peculiar notions on
these subjects, which may not exactly tally with an Auditor's views, but
those notions are rather in manner than in matter: in the latter he will
generally be found to be correct. But genius has always its peculiar notions,
its short and rapid roads to results, hence men of genius are considered
in advance of their age, and labor more for posterity than for their own
time." In this letter, Abert perceived the future roll of Government in
promoting science and scientists as "It is government alone which can create
such men, as it is the wants and means of government alone, which can compensate
them for their labours and encourage them in their pursuits."(54)
Secretary Woodbury passed Hassler's requests on to Congress as he stated
that he had no power to enact the raises and increased allowances. All
previous salary negotiations had been conducted under the auspices of the
Executive Branch. The Committee on Commerce wrote back on July 4, 1836,
recommending all that Hassler had requested. Woodbury dug in his heels,
refused to grant the raises in question, and prodded Hassler to proceed
to the field on July 26. Hassler refused until he received his back pay
dating to 1832, some $6,000. During these altercations, Hassler continued
to work on Weights and Measures and delivered the first six complete sets
of standard weights on July 29.
One must feel sorry for Woodbury in one respect during this bureaucratic
in-fighting. He was one of Andrew Jackson's most competent cabinet members
and was a capable, resourceful public servant. According to Charles Wilkes,
Hassler "always styled Mr. W. a pumpkin head and was very loud in his denunciations.
He lived next door to him on 13th street. They both occupied the 2nd Story,
and, in summer, when the windows were open, almost every word that Mr.
Hassler said in his abuse could be heard. Notwithstanding all this, Mr.
Woodbury was too high minded to resent it. He believed Mr. Hassler an excentric
and irritable man; at the Same time, that he was very capable in his duties
and conscientious in their performance."(55)
Wilkes saw Hassler often during these years and reported on his state of
mind in this period:
"... His appearance was very often somewhat that of a foolish and deranged
person. His mind too frequently dwelt on Small things and very trifling
incidents, which often gave him affront. The failure to get an audience
at once from one of the Secretaries always irritated him for days. It is
almost impossible to give an idea of his sudden ebulition of Passion. He
Seemed to lose all control of himself and permitted his Nervous system
to guide him. I have seen him jump Madly over his high haircloth sofa and
rush up and down his chamber, at which I could not help laughing aloud,
which brought him to himself, and told him one day he could not make such
a leap again in his Senses."(56)
Sometime in early August, Hassler met with Andrew Jackson and the following
exchange (although there are many different versions of this exchange,
they all agree in spirit) was reported to have taken place:
Jackson: "So, Mr. Hassler, it appears the Secretary and you cannot agree about this Matter." Hassler: "No, Sir, ve can't." Jackson: "Well how much do you really think you ought to have?" Hassler: "Six thousand dollars, Sir." Jackson: "Why, Mr. Hassler, that is as much as Mr. Woodbury, my Secretary of the Treasury, himself receives!" Hassler, rising from his chair and pointing to himself: "Mr. Voodbury!
There are plenty of Voodburys, plenty of Everybodys who can be made the
Secretary of the Treasury. But, there is only one, one Hassler for
the head of the Coast Survey."(57)
Acknowledging the indomitable will of a kindred spirit, President Jackson
granted Hassler's demand for a higher expense allowance. Not only did Hassler
receive his increased expense allowance, but within the next few months
he assured that all of his field assistants received raises ranging from
30 to 50 percent of their base salary, and all points relating to Army
and Navy officers were resolved favorably; in addition, he was allowed
to hire more field personnel and office personnel. Jackson put a stipulation,
that if Congress so saw fit, that all of his actions regarding the Coast
Survey could be overturned. In his eighth and final message to Congress,
Jackson invited "the early attention of Congress ... to the enactment of
some express and detailed provisions in relation to the various claims
made for the past, and to the compensation and allowances deemed proper
for the future." It was remarkable that Andrew Jackson relented in this
matter. Hassler's views concerning a professional civil service flew in
the face of the political philosophy of Jacksonian democracy. This was
also at a time when the average college professor was making less than
$1,500 per year making Hassler's compensation seem very generous.
As a result, Hassler engaged in a second public affairs blitz in which
he had more copies of his Principal Documents Relating to the Survey
of the Coast, Volumes I and II, printed and distributed to members
of Congress and other influential men. Volume III he had printed in late
1836. Hassler had all of the Principal Documents, as well as documents
relating to Weights and Measures, printed at personal expense reminiscent
of modern day political candidates buying media exposure. He also launched
a newspaper campaign calculated to evoke public sympathy and Congressional
support. Not surprisingly, Congress did not overturn President Jackson's
orders concerning the Coast Survey.
What had Hassler accomplished in these two years of acrimonious debate?
By many accounts, Hassler has been described as a somewhat eccentric old
fool who wasted his time and energy in fighting various Secretaries and
Auditors. He, of course, was concerned with his own livelihood, and what
to him were matters of honor. But, more importantly, he was fighting for
the place of science and scientists in a young Government that had none.
What must have been most important to Hassler was that he had won the right to conduct the science and affairs of the Coast Survey, within the constraints of its budget, in the manner which he judged best. It appears that his arguments succeeded in divorcing the Coast Survey from most of the abuses of the spoils system and rotation in office, as not until the 1880's was there an instance of political maneuvering affecting either the removal or appointment of civilians to the Survey. By improving the financial status of Army and Navy officers associated with the Survey, he made it desirable for the best and the brightest of the young officers to seek duty on the Survey. By fighting for and obtaining what he felt to be just compensation for himself as a man of science within the Government, he raised not only the stature of himself and the Coast Survey, but the stature of all scientists and scientific organizations that would follow in his footsteps. The scientific infrastructure that exists in the United States Federal Government today owes much to this first professional scientist of the United States. 1. Letters from Hassler to John Vaughn, February 1, and February 17, 1831. Archives of the American Philosophical Society, Vol 2, No. 115, and No. 228. In: Cajori. 1929. p. 154. 2. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Journal of the Franklin Institute, New Series, Vol. 13. p. 238. Philadelphia. 3. Hassler, F. R. 1832. Weights and Measures -- Report from the Secretary of the Treasury in Compliance With a resolution of the Senate, showing the result of an examination of the Weights and Measures used in the several Custom-houses in the United States, &c. Document No. 299. House of Representatives, Treasury Department. 32nd Congress, 1st Session. July 2, 1832. 122 pp. Hereafter called: Hassler, F. R. 1832. Weights and Measures .... Document No. 299. 4. Hassler, F. R. 1832. Weight and Measures .... Document No. 299. p. 4. 5. Hassler, F. R. 1834. "Results of the Observation of the Solar Eclipse of 12th February 1831, etc.", Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, Vol. 4. p. 131. Philadelphia, Hassler also referred to this in the aforementioned letters to John Vaughn of February 1, and February 17, 1831. 6. Chapter CXCI, Stat. L., Vol 4, p. 570. "An Act to carry into effect the act to provide for a survey of the coast of the United States." This act appropriated $20,000 for the Survey of the Coast, provided for surveying the coast of Florida, and under Section 2, gave the President of the United States the power to "employ all persons in the land or naval service of the United States, and such astronomers and other persons as he shall deem proper." 7. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 69. 8. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 71. 9. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 71-72. 10. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 74. 11. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 77. 12. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 106. 13. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 89. 14. Hassler, F. R. 1825. "Papers...." p. 245. 15. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 97-98. 16. Remini, R. V. 1984. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833-1845. Volume III, p. 56. Harper and Row Publishers, New York. 17. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 108. 18. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 144. 19. Hassler, F. R. 1825. "Papers...." p. 283-284. 20. Henry, J. 1845. "The Coast Survey." In: Princeton Review, April, 1845. p. 8-9. 21. Hassler, F. R. 1835. Second Volume.... p. 103. 22. Although this base line was reported as being measured to 0.0001 meter (implying an accuracy of 1 part in 100,000,000,) Hassler probably felt that the accuracy of the measurement was no better than 1 part in a few million. The minute differences in the computations for expansion of base bars because of temperature changes and the inclination of the base bar, as determined by Hassler, Dahlgren, and Swift, assuming that no error was made in the myriad of measurements conducted during the course of the base line operations, gave an upper limit for the reported accuracy of 1 part in 5,535,000 (0.1 inch = 0.00254 meter;
0.00254/14,058.987 = 0.00000018067.)
Regardless of the ultimate accuracy of measurement, this base line was a monument to Hassler's genius as a scientist and engineer. As a measure of the accuracy attainable by his procedures and instruments used for both distance and triangulation, when the check base was measured on Kent Island in upper Chesapeake Bay, the difference between the computed triangulated distance and the measured distance was 4 inches. The Kent Island base line was over 300 miles along the arc of triangulation from the Fire Island base line. A second base line was tied to the Fire Island base line and measured at Epping Plains (approximately 350 miles along the arc of triangulation) in eastern Maine in 1857 which gave a preliminary difference of 8 millimeters in 8,716 meters between the computed distance of the baseline and the measured distance. Hassler, unfortunately, did not live to see these triumphs of his methods and instruments. 23. Hassler, F. R. 1834. Principal Documents.... p. 177-178. 24. Concerning the term "Coast Survey" versus "Survey of the Coast," it appears that there never was a formal law changing the name of the organization. Hassler used the term "Coast Survey" as early as 1827 in his reply to Colonel Roberdeau and used it with increasing frequency in official correspondence up until 1835 when "Coast Survey" is used almost exclusively. 25. The discussion of sounding and signaling methods is the author's interpretation of sounding methodology derived from many sources. Signaling methodology is referred to in House of Representatives Report No. 43, 27th Congress 3d Session, p. 38, within the testimony of Lieutenant Thomas R. Gedney. A description of intervals between soundings and the location of intermediate soundings is included in: The Committee of Twenty, Report of the History and Progress of the American Coast Survey up to the Year 1858, written and published under the auspices of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. This document contains descriptions of many other Coast Survey operations as well as listings of the major accomplishments of the Coast Survey up to 1858. A description of the functions of individuals on the survey boats, number of oarsmen, etc., is included in "The Coast Survey" in the New York Herald, August 3, 1881. Although written many years after Hassler's death, shallow-water sounding technology had changed little if any in the intervening years. 26. Sands, B. F. 1899. From Reefer to Rear-Admiral. p. 82. Frederick A. Stokes Co., New York. Hereafter referred to as: "Sands, B. F. 1899." 27. Remini, R. V. 1984. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833-1845. Volume III, p.228. Harper and Row Publishers, New York. 28. Hassler, F. R. 1837. Sixth Report of F. R. Hassler, as superintendent of the survey of the coast of the United States.... Senate Report 79, 25th Congress, 2d Session, December 12, 1837. p. 4. 29. Sands, B. F. 1899. p. 87-88. 30. Hassler, F. R. 1837. Sixth Report of F. R. Hassler, as superintendent of the survey of the coast of the United States.... Senate Report 79, 25th Congress, 2d Session, December 12, 1837. p. 4. 31. House of Representatives Report No. 43, 1843. p.39. 32. Hassler, F. R. 1842. A report of F. R. Hassler, superintendent of the coast survey, showing the progress made therein up to the present time. House of Representatives Document No. 28, 27th Congress, 2d Session, January 3, 1842. p. 11. 33. Bache, A. D. 1844. A report of the Superintendent of the Survey of the Coast. Senate Document 16, 28th Congress, 2nd Session. December 23, 1844. p. 22. 34. House of Representatives Report No. 24, 25th Congress, 3rd Session. In: Bache, A. D. The report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey...." Senate Executive Document No. 6, 30th Congress, 1st Session, Appendix No. 5, p. 67. 35. Anonymous. 1848. Art. XXXI -- Review of the Annual Report on the U.S. Coast Survey in The American Journal of Science and Arts, Second Series, 1848, p.11 of offprint. In: Miscellaneous Papers on the Survey, p. 68; and Davis, C. H. 1849. The Coast Survey of the United States. p. 32-33. Metcalf and Company, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 36. Bishop, M. 1941. "Cinque, the Noble Mutineer" in the column, "That Was New York", The New Yorker, December 20, 1941. 37. Remini, R. V. 1981. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822-1832, Volume II. p.127. Harper and Row, New York. 38. Nevins, A., Editor. 1928. The Diary of John Quincy Adams 1794-1845. p. 514. Frederick Ungar Publishing Company, New York. 39. The following description of Amos Kendall is
found in: Stickney, W., editor. 1872. The Autobiography of Amos Kendall,
p. 586. Lee and Shepard Publishers, Boston. Stickney included a quote from
Miss Harriet Martineau who visited Washington in 1834. Miss Martineau's
description was included in the Memphis "Daily Enquirer" of September 27,
1860.
"I was fortunate enough once to catch a glimpse of the invincible Amos Kendall, one of the most remarkable men in America. He is supposed to be the moving spring of the administration; the thinker, planner, and doer; but it is all in the dark. Documents are issued, the excellence of which prevents their being attributed to the persons who take the responsibility of them; a correspondence is kept up all over the country, for which no one seems answerable; work is done of goblin extent and with goblin speed, which makes men look about them with superstitious wonder; and the invisible Amos Kendall has the credit of it all. President Jackson's letters to his cabinet are said to be Kendall's; the Report on Sunday mails is attributed to Kendall; the letters sent from Washington to remote country newspapers, whence they are collected and published in the "Globe", as demonstrations of public opinion, are pronounced to be written by Kendall. Every mysterious paragraph in opposition newspapers relates to Kendall; and it is some relief that his now having the office of postmaster-general affords opportunity for open attack upon this twilight personage, who is proved by the faults in the post-office administration, not to be able to do quite everything well. But he is undoubtedly a great genius. He unites with his 'great talent for silence' a splendid audacity. "It is clear that he could not do the work he does (incredible enough in amount any way) if he went into society like other men. He did, however, one evening, - I think it was at the attorney-general's. The moment I went in, intimations reached me from all quarters, amid nods and winks, 'Kendall is here'; 'That is he.' I saw at once that his plea for seclusion (bad health) is no false one. The extreme sallowness of his complexion, and hair of such perfect whiteness as is rarely seen in a man of middle age, testified to his disease. His countenance does not help the superstitious to throw off their dread of him. He probably does not desire this superstition to melt away, for there is no calculating how much influence was given to Jackson's administration by the universal belief that there was a concealed eye and hand behind the machinery of government, by which everything could be foreseen, and the hardest deeds done. A member of Congress told me this night that he had watched through five sessions for a sight of Kendall, and had never obtained it till now. Kendall was leaning on a chair, with head bent down, and eye glancing up at a member of Congress, with whom he was in earnest conversation, and in a few minutes he was gone." 40. Remini, R.V. 1981. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822-1832. Volume II, p. 167, 187. Harper and Row, Publishers, New York. 41. Wilkes, C. 1978. p. 219-220. 42. Hassler, F. R. 1835. Second Volume.... p. 5. 44. This view of Hassler's drinking habits was supported by John Charles Fremont who wrote in his memoirs, "When he accepted an invitation to dinner, which was seldom, his habit was to carry with him some bottles of these German wines [that were always on hand in his carriage,] as he would drink of no other kind, and only of his own." In: Fremont, John Charles. 1887. Memoirs of My Life. p. 57. Belford, Clarke and Company. Chicago and New York. 45. Hassler, F. R. 1835. Second Volume.... p. 4. 46. Hassler, F. R. 1835. Second Volume.... p. 125. 47. In: Cajori. 1929. Note 176, p. 129. 48. Hassler, F. R. 1835. Report of F. R. Hassler, as Superintendent of the Construction of Standard Weights and Measures, for the Custom-houses. Dated Nov. 28, 1835. In: Hassler, F. R. 1835. Documents Relating to the Construction of Standards of Weights and Measures for the Custom-Houses, March to November, 1835. p. 28. William Van Noorden, Printer, New York. 49. Hassler, F. R. 1836. Third Volume.... p.19-22. 50. Nelson, Stewart B. 1982. Oceanographic Ships Fore and Aft. p.9. Office of Oceanographer of the Navy, Washington, D.C. 51. Hassler, F. R. 1836. Third Volume.... p. 33-39. 52. This battle had its roots in Hassler's treatment
by the Government and his need to recruit and retain qualified personnel,
both civilian and military, to conduct the work of the Survey. The following
is a review of Hassler's employment and compensation from the United States
Government up to 1836.
1) Employment at West Point 1807-1810; compensation unknown; summarily removed by arbitrary decision of Secretary of War. 2) Government agent procuring Coast Survey instruments 1811-1815; $4700 per year; not paid by Government 1814-1815 required borrowing at high interest to live; Act of Congress in 1816 restored pay; $6,000 to $7,000 loss during period. 3) Superintendent of Survey of the Coast, August 1816 to April 1818; $3,000 salary, $2,000 expenses; arbitrarily removed by Act of Congress. 4) United States Surveyor on the International Boundary 1818-1819; apparently $2,500 salary, $2,000 expenses; resigned in dispute over salary and/or honor. 5) Gauger, New York Custom House 1829; compensation unknown. 6) Superintendent of Office of Weights and Measures 1830-1832; $3,000 per year. 7) Superintendent of Survey of the Coast and Superintendent of Office of Weights and Measures 1832-1835; $3,000 salary, $1,500 expenses. 8) Hassler threatens to quit the Coast Survey and devote all of his efforts to Weights and Measures in 1835; offered $1,500 to Superintend Weights and Measures only; has $1,500 expenses thence increased to $2,000 per year expenses for May 1835 until May 1836. 53. Hassler, F. R. 1835. Second Volume .... p. 120. 54. Hassler, F. R. 1836. Third Volume.... p. 50-56. 57. Harpers Weekly 1878; Wilkes, C. 1978. p. 221; Nelson, Stewart B. 1982. Oceanographic Ships Fore and Aft. p. 12, Office of Oceanographer of the Navy, Washington, D.C.; Anonymous. 1855. "The United States Coast Survey" in Putnam's Monthly, November, 1855, Dix and Edwards, New York, p. 6 of offprint. In: Miscellaneous Papers on the Survey, p.231, bound volume of documents in Rare Book Room of NOAA Library. |
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