<DOC> [109 Senate Hearings] [From the U.S. Government Printing Office via GPO Access] [DOCID: f:28348.wais] S. Hrg. 109-576 THE THOMASINA JORDAN INDIAN TRIBES OF VIRGINIA FEDERAL RECOGNITION ACT AND THE GRAND RIVER BAND OF OTTAWA INDIANS OF MICHIGAN REFERRAL ACT ======================================================================= HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION ON S. 437 TO EXPEDITE REVIEW OF THE GRAND RIVER BAND OF OTTAWA INDIANS OF MICHIGAN TO SECURE A TIMELY AND JUST DETERMINATION OF WHETHER THAT GROUP IS ENTITLED TO RECOGNITION AS A FEDERAL INDIAN TRIBE S. 480 TO EXTEND FEDERAL RECOGNITION TO THE CHICKAHOMINY INDIAN TRIBE, THE CHICKAHOMINY INDIAN TRIBE--EASTERN DIVISION, THE UPPER MATTAPONI TRIBE, THE RAPPAHANNOCK TRIBE, INC., THE MONACAN INDIAN NATION, AND THE NANSEMOND INDIAN TRIBE __________ JUNE 21, 2006 WASHINGTON, DC U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 28-348 WASHINGTON : 2006 _____________________________________________________________________________ For Sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; (202) 512ÿ091800 Fax: (202) 512ÿ092250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402ÿ090001 COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS JOHN McCAIN, Arizona, Chairman BYRON L. DORGAN, North Dakota, Vice Chairman PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico DANIEL K. INOUYE, Hawaii CRAIG THOMAS, Wyoming KENT CONRAD, North Dakota GORDON SMITH, Oregon DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii LISA MURKOWSKI, Alaska TIM JOHNSON, South Dakota MICHAEL D. CRAPO, Idaho MARIA CANTWELL, Washington RICHARD BURR, North Carolina TOM COBURN, M.D., Oklahoma John Tahsuda, III, Majority Staff Director Sara G. Garland, Minority Staff Director (ii) C O N T E N T S ---------- Page S. 437 and S. 480, text of....................................... 3 Statements: Adkins, Stephen R., chief, Cickahominy Indian Tribe, Charles City, VA................................................... 86 Allen, Hon. George, U.S. Senator from Virginia............... 72 Comp, Fran, vice chairman, Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians, Grand Rapids, MI.................................. 91 Dorgan, Byron L., U.S. Senator from North Dakota, vice chairman, Committee on Indian Affairs...................... 78 Fleming, Lee, director, Office of Federal Acknowledgment, Department of the Interior, Washington, DC................. 79 Levin, Hon. Carl, U.S. Senator from Michigan................. 70 McCain, Hon. John, U.S. Senator from Arizona, chairman, Committee on Indian Affairs................................ 1 Moran, Hon. James P., U.S. Representative from Virginia...... 75 O'Conner, Michael, president, Virginia Petroleum, Convenience and Grocery Association, Richmond, VA...................... 94 Rountree, Helen, professor emerita of anthropology, Old Dominion University, Norfolk, VA........................... 89 Warner, Hon. John W., U.S. Senator from Virginia............. 77 Willerup, David, pastor, Westwood Reform Church, Muskegon, MI 93 Yob, Ron, chairman, Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians, Grand Rapids, MI........................................... 91 Appendix Prepared statements: Adkins, Stephen R.(with attachment).......................... 101 Allen, Hon. George, U.S. Senator from Virginia (with attachment)................................................ 105 Barton, Rev. Jonathan M., general minister, Virginia Council of Churches (with attachment).............................. 121 Fleming, Lee................................................. 124 O'Conner, Michael............................................ 127 Rountree, Helen (with attachment)............................ 131 Warner, Hon. John W., U.S. Senator from Virginia............. Willerup, David (with attachment)............................ 152 Yob, Ron (with attachment)................................... 167 Additional material submitted for the record: Kildee, Hon. Dale E., U.S. Representative from Michigan letter to Hon. Peter Hoekstra, U.S. Representative from Michigan................................................... 221 THE THOMASINA E. JORDAN INDIAN TRIBES OF VIRGINIA FEDERAL RECOGNITION ACT AND THE GRAND RIVER BAND OF OTTAWA INDIANS OF MICHIGAN REFERRAL ACT ---------- WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21, 2006 U.S. Senate, Committee on Indian Affairs, Washington, DC. The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:30 a.m. in room 485, Senate Russell Office Building, Hon. John McCain (chairman of the committee) presiding. Present: Senators McCain, Dorgan, and Thomas STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN McCAIN, U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA, CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS The Chairman. Good morning. We are here today to receive testimony on two bills, S. 437, the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians of Michigan Referral Act, and S. 480, the Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act of 2005. These bills, if enacted, would allow the mentioned Indian groups to bypass the Department of the Interior Federal acknowledgement process regulations. According to a status report sent to the committee by the DOI Office of Federal Acknowledgement, each of the groups listed in the bills have submitted petitions for recognition through the DOI regulations. The solemnity of Federal recognition which establishes a government-to-government relationship between the United States and an Indian tribe demands not only a fair and transparent process but a process that is above reproach. And, while the relationship established is Federal, the impacts are felt locally, as well, as has been reported to this Committee by States attorneys general and local communities. Hearings held by this committee in the past have indicated that the regulatory process, although well intentioned, can be criticized as too slow, too costly, and too opaque. Recognition by legislation, on the other hand, has been justly criticized for being too summary and arbitrary. Therefore, it is Congress' responsibility to ensure that the decision whether to extend recognition to an Indian group be conducted in a fair and transparent fashion, in keeping with the gravity of that decision. It has long been my view that Congress is ill equipped to conduct the rigorous review needed to provide the basis for such a decision. It is also my view that is substantively unfair to provide a legislative path short-circuiting the process for some tribes while others labor for years to get through the regulations. On the other hand, there are, from time to time, extenuating circumstances for particular Indian groups that require Congressional resolution, and I have supported legislation in those circumstances. The witnesses today will provide testimony, both pro and con, as to the unique history of each of the groups listed in these bills and whether the extenuating circumstances exist such that Congressional recognition is warranted. I also welcome our colleagues from the Senate who are here and those from the House who have sponsored this legislation. [Text of S. 437 and S. 480 follow:] <GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> The Chairman. Senator Thomas. Senator Thomas. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I really do not have a statement. I think you have covered the two points. One is why does it take so long to do this regularly, and should there be shortcuts in the Congress. So I think it is important to have the hearing and I thank you for that. The Chairman. Thank you, sir. Could Senator Allen and Senator Levin decide among themselves as to who would like to go first by age or alphabet, whichever is appropriate. Senator Allen. I will let Senator Levin go first, since seniority, and his bill was introduced 1 or 2 minutes before mine. The Chairman. Thank you very much. Senator Levin, welcome. I know you are busy with the authorization bill on the floor, so we appreciate your being here, and also Senator Allen's courtesy in having you go first. Senator Levin. STATEMENT OF HON. CARL LEVIN, U.S. SENATOR FROM MICHIGAN Senator Levin. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and Senator Thomas. First let me thank you for holding this hearing. I add my thanks to Senator Allen for his graciousness in allowing me to go first, mainly not just because of my age, which I do not like to emphasize, but because of the floor responsibility which I am in the middle of, so thank you very much, George. Mr. Chairman, thank you and the committee for holding today's hearing on the status of the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians. In 1994 Congress passed and the President signed legislation that gave Federal recognition to several Michigan tribes, including the sister tribe of the Grand River Band, the Little River Band of Ottawa Indians. The Grand River Band should have been recognized at that time, but for various reasons it was not. To remedy this situation, Senator Stabenow and I have introduced S. 437, the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians of Michigan Referral Act, which would refer the matter of Federal status of the Grand River Band to the Secretary of the Interior. The Secretary would then determine whether the Grand River Band meets the same criteria that Congress used in 1994 to recognize the other tribes, and then act accordingly in an expeditious manner. I would note that our bill does not legislatively recognize the Grand River Band; it does direct the Bureau of Indian Affairs [BIA] to make a decision on the merits in a timely fashion. It is a critical difference, but it is an important difference, particularly in the light of the chairman's opening statement. The salient questions would be whether members of the Grand River Band are descendants of persons who signed the relevant treaties and whether today's members continue to reside in their ancestral territory. We believe that the Grand River Band meets those criteria. The historic record is clear that today's Grand River Band are direct descendants of those who signed the relevant treaties. The Grand River Band are a very traditional Indian people, and because of their traditional lifestyles they have a high rate of tribal intermarriage. In addition to signing the treaties, their ancestors were also instrumental in bringing their land claims to the Indian Claims Commission in the late 1940's and 1950's. The Federal, State, and local governments have had dealings with the Grand River Band on a continuing basis. The Grand River Band also lives today in the same areas of Michigan that they have occupied when the first Europeans arrived. They reside now in Mason, Oceana, Muskegon, and Kent Counties. Burial mounds of the Grand River Band are located along the Grand River, itself, from Lansing to Muskegon, and they conduct their ceremonies and annual Grand River Ottawa pow wow near these sacred mounds. I want to mention very briefly there is another tribe in a similar situation, the Burt Lake Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians who were signatories to the 1836 and 1855 treaties. They have not been federally recognized, even though they submitted their documented petition over 10 years ago. I hope that the Burt Lake Band will also be the focus of future Federal recognition. Mr. Chairman, the importance of this bill is that we need an expeditious decision by the regulators and the administrators. That is critical because of land claim judgments which were settled by Congress which were brought by the Grand River and other treaty tribes during the Indian Claims Commission period. The 1997 act provided that funds will be distributed to unrecognized tribes whose members are descendants of treaty signatories, provided--and this is the key issue--the tribes submitted a fully documented petition by December 15, 2000, and that the BIA approves recognition by December 2006. That is what the key issue here is, as to whether we can get the BIA to make their decision in time to make a deadline which will have a major financial impact in terms of a claim which was properly and timely filed by this band. So we have the Grand River Band that submitted its petition, including 21 boxes of materials, on December 5, 2000, in time. Nearly 4 years later the BIA granted the tribe its first technical assistance meeting in 2004. In January 2005, the BIA provided a detailed, 29-page letter describing deficiencies and omissions in the Grand River Band's original material. After 18 months of work, the Grand River Band now has delivered its response on June 9. The materials include certified copies of all of its membership rolls, 700 members, along with a 63-page legal response and a 265-page ethno-historical response prepared by Dr. James McClerkin, who is the most eminent Native American ethno-historian in Michigan. Each of the 749 citations is supported by documentation, along with numerous maps, charts, family trees, and population reports, so this exhausting and expensive process has gone on. We can't allow it to go back and forth for years and years. It is essential that a BIA determination regarding the Grand River Band be made in a timely way, because if no action is taken within the next few months the Grand River Band will be denied millions of dollars that have been specifically set aside for the band by Federal law. It would be an injustice. It would be an injustice not to allow the Grand River Band to take its rightful place among the family of federally recognized tribes. But, again, this legislation does not decide that; it calls for an expeditious, prompt determination by the BIA. I will leave for the record a number of technical changes to be made in the bill. I won't go through all those now, but I would, again, simply thank the committee for holding this hearing. It is urgently necessary. We need to get this decision made in time so that justice will not be denied a band that has truly worked hard, done everything that it is required to do, played by the rules, and now I believe and Senator Stabenow believe is entitled to a favorable response, but, in any event, is entitled to a decision within the time period provided by law. The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Levin. I know you have to leave to go to the floor. Thank you. Your complete statement will be made a part of the record. May I also say I know that Senator Warner is on the floor with this important legislation and he may not be able to be here. His statement will be made part of the record. I know that Senator Allen will speak. I think that you and Senator Warner are basically in agreement on this issue. Thank you, Senator Levin. Senator Levin. Thank you. STATEMENT OF HON. GEORGE ALLEN, U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA Senator Allen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Senator Thomas, thank you for being here. I very much appreciate, Mr. Chairman, your holding this hearing on this important issue to consider what I consider to be the unique and extraordinary stories of these six Virginia Indian tribes. I think you will see in not just my testimony but the testimony of Chief Adkins and Dr. Rountree the extenuating circumstances that call for legislation and Congressional action insofar as these six Virginia tribes are concerned. I, of course, respectfully urge the committee to move as quickly as possible to extend Federal recognition to the Chickahominy, the Eastern Chickahominy, the Upper Mattaponi, the Rappahannock, the Monacan, and the Nansemod Tribes by voting in favor of this measure, S. 480, the Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act of 2005. I am joined in this measure with my colleague and partner from Virginia, Senator Warner, and I think I speak for him, as well, in this effort to get long overdue recognition and the recognized status to a group of Americans who have been a part of this country's history from before 400 years ago and continue to be. The six tribes seeking Federal recognition, Mr. Chairman, have suffered humiliation and indignities that have gone largely unnoticed by most Americans because many of these injustices were not the result of any actions undertook by these Virginia tribes. Instead, these indignities originated in Government policies that sought to eliminate their culture and heritage. I believe the circumstances of their situation warrants Congressional recognition. Some express concern about granting Federal recognition without investigative processes used by the Department of the Interior. However, if one closely examines the history of these Virginia Indians they will see why this legislation has been introduced and why some of my colleagues continue to push for recognition on the House side, including Congressman Moran, whom you will hear from shortly. The history of these six tribes begins well before the first Europeans landed on this continent. History has shown their continued inhabitance in Virginia. Through much of the last 400 years, they have undergone great hardship; however, many have worked hard to maintain and preserve their tradition and heritage. To put the long history of Virginia Indians in context, while many of the federally recognized Indian tribes have signed agreements with the Government of the United States of America, the Virginia Indian tribes hold treaties with the kings of England, including the Treaty of 1677 between the tribes and Charles II. Like the plight of many American Indian tribes over the last 4 centuries, the Virginia tribes were continually moved off their land and many assimilated into U.S. society. Even then, the Virginia Indians were not extended the same rights as were extended or offered to U.S. citizens. The years of racial discrimination and coercive policies took a tremendous toll on the population of Virginia Indians. Even while living under such difficult circumstances and constant upheaval, the Virginia Indians were able to maintain a consistent culture. And here is where the extenuating circumstances--Mr. Chairman, your criteria or burden of proof. Here is the extenuating circumstances for the Virginia tribes. Following the turn of the 20th century, members of these six tribes suffered more injustice. New State mandates in the 20th century forced Virginia Indians to renounce their Indian names and their heritage. They passed in Virginia what was called the ``Racial Integrity Act of 1924.'' This was a damaging, wrong policy in Virginia's history. This measure enforced by State officials, the Registrar of the Bureau of Vital Statistics, in particular a person named Dr. William Plecker sought to destroy all records of the Virginia Indians and recognize them not as Indians but as the designation was then, ``colored.'' People were threatened with imprisonment for noting ``Indian'' on a birth certificate. Mothers were not allowed to take their newborn children home if they were given an Indian name. Many generations were, of course, affected by this policy that was enforced throughout Virginia and left many Indians searching for their true identity. A respected journalist who is here in the audience, Peter Hardin, wrote a comprehensive, thorough article which appeared on March 5, 2000, in ``The Richmond Times Dispatch,'' and I would like to have that article made part of the record. The Chairman. Without objection. Senator Allen. Now, the Racial Integrity Act, Mr. Chairman and Senators Dorgan and Thomas, left the records of tens of thousands of Virginia Indians inaccurate or deliberately misleading until 1997. As Governor--I was Governor then--that year I signed legislation that directed State agencies and officials to correct all State records related to Virginia Indians, reclassifying them as American Indian and not colored. My administration championed this initiative when we learned of the pain that this racist policy inflicted on many Virginia citizens. I was also briefed on the problem that many Virginia Indians experienced when trying or attempting to trace their ancestry or have their records of their children and deceased relatives corrected. Now, to combat those injustices we want to make sure that any American Indian whose certified copy of birth record contains an incorrect racial designation were able to obtain those for a fee. I think this is the height of insult that someone to correct their record would then have to be paying fees to get these old records, and so we made sure that there wasn't any fee charged to correct a racial designation that was actually not caused by an Indian individual but rather by State government policy. Now, because, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, of the arrogant, manipulating, and wrongful policies of Virginia's Racial Integrity Act, the Virginia Indian tribes have had a difficult time collecting and substantiating official documents necessary for Federal recognition. Through no fault of their own, the records they need to meet the stringent and difficult requirements for Federal recognition are simply not available. I fear that, unless my colleagues and I take legislative action, these six tribes will be faulted and denied Federal recognition for circumstances over which they truly had and have no control. The Virginia tribes have filed a petition with the Department of the Interior's Branch of Acknowledgement and Research; however, I believe Congressional action is the appropriate path for Federal recognition. The six tribes represented today have faced discrimination and attacks on their culture that are unheard of in most regions and States of the United States. Federal recognition brings some benefits to Virginia Indians, including access to education, grants, housing assistance, and health care services which are available to most American Indians. The education grants, in particular, can provide an avenue for Virginia Indians to improve their prospects for employment and hopefully secure better-paying jobs. The benefits of Federal recognition would not be restitution for years of institutional racism and hostility, but would provide new opportunities for members of these six tribes. This recognition is a simple matter of justice, fair treatment, and honor and pride of heritage and of family. I can understand some concerns of Members of Congress have with gambling and property claims that relate to federally recognized Indian tribes. The issue of gambling is resolved in this measure. It complies with the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act and also the Virginia laws. The tribes presently, if they so desired, could have bingo. They do not want to have bingo. People are concerned about casinos. The reality is, if they want to have casinos or anything they are going to need to have approval from Virginia's government, and Virginia has horse racing and the lottery. I do not foresee them having casinos. If they did have casinos, then everyone could have casinos under such law, but I do not see that happening and they can't do it without Virginia government support. The Virginia General Assembly, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, have passed resolutions supporting this legislation. Governors have supported this legislation. This is a right that has been stripped for many decades from Virginia tribes. They are not seeking Federal recognition for superficial gain, but it is to right a wrong. I do believe, Mr. Chairman, that the circumstances in these cases are special, and that is why, with my colleague, Senator Warner, I have introduced this legislation. I am hopeful that you and members of the committee will objectively review this situation, consider the testimony and evidence that Chief Adkins and Dr. Rountree will present to this committee, and make the right decision to move this legislation to the floor as was done by your predecessor chairman, Senator Campbell. I thank you again, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for holding this hearing and your consideration of this very important matter of justice and equity for Virginia Indian tribes. Thank you. [Prepared statement of Senator Allen and ``Richmond Times Dispatch'' article appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Allen. We very much appreciate your advocacy, your knowledge, and your passion that you bring to this issue. We know you can't stay. We thank you very much for being here. Congressman Moran, thank you. Please proceed. STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES P. MORAN, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM VIRGINIA Mr. Moran. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you very much. It is nice to see my former colleagues and now illustrious Senators, Senator Dorgan and Senator Thomas. I appreciate the fact that the three of you would come to this hearing. We have been before this committee, as Senator Allen said, and Senator Campbell worked to get this legislation favorably through the committee. The story of the Virginia tribes represent represents a unique travesty of justice, a national travesty that we are dealing with today. This hearing is particularly timely, because this Nation is about to recognize and celebrate the Jamestown Settlement, which occurred 400 years ago. That Jamestown Settlement could not have been successful if it had not been for these Indian tribes teaching survival skills to the English explorers and settlers. They welcomed them in. They taught them how to farm, what foods could be eaten. Many of the Indians were not immune to the diseases that the English settlers carried, and they died as a result. Subsequently, the settlers killed, expelled, subdued these Indian tribes. The Indians lost their land. For much of the 19th and 20th centuries they were treated in the same way that African slaves were treated: Without any rights. As Senator Allen just described, this was deliberate policy. One of the most troubling legislation actually occurred in the first half of the 20th century. I am going to try to summarize some of this because Senator Warner has joined us, as well, and I do think it is quite a testament to the importance of this issue that both of our Senators are so strongly supporting Federal recognition. As I say, this is a unique situation, at least in two ways. These six tribes signed treaties, but they were treaties with the kings of England. They still exist, but they, were not made with the American Government. Senator Allen suggested that the most important treaty was the Treaty of 1677 with King Charles II. That treaty has been recognized by the Commonwealth of Virginia every year for the last 328 years. The Governor, and when Senator Allen was Governor he accepted tributes from the tribes, often turkeys and other game, and it is celebrated at the State capital. There is no question about the legitimacy of this treaty. But in the intervening years between 1677 and the birth of this Nation, these tribes, as I say, were dispossessed of their land, and they were too weak to pose any threat, so they were never in a position to negotiate or receive recognition from the nascent Federal Government. It was the first English permanent settlement in the New World, and the Virginia Indians were the ones that enabled it to happen, and yet they have not been recognized by the U.S. Federal Government. The second reason that this is unique is that they were the victims of I guess you would have to call a ``paper genocide'' that was a result of the laws and, at that time, the attitude of the Commonwealth of Virginia. At the time that the Federal Government grated Native Americans the right to vote, Virginia's elected officials were embracing the eugenics movement and adopted racially hostile laws that were targeted at those classes of people who didn't fit into the dominant white society. Those laws and attitudes culminated with the enactment of the Racial Integrity Act of 1924. It empowered zealots like Walter Plecker. He was a State official. He destroyed the records of these Indian tribes. He reclassified in Orwellian fashion, as Senator Allen has said, all non-whites as colored. In order to get your child out of a hospital, you had to check a box whether you were white or colored, in the term that was used then. It particularly targeted Native Americans so that they could deny them their identity. The letter hasn't shown up, but people talk about a letter that Mr. Plecker wrote to Adolph Hitler bragging about the fact that he had eliminated the identity of the Native Americans in the State. I do not know whether such a letter actually exists, but that is exactly what it was all about: To eliminate Native Americans in Virginia. You could be sentenced to 1 year in jail if you did not check off the right box. There were only two boxes. So obviously what happened is that there were no more Native Americans left in the State. Now, the Racial Integrity Act was struck down by the Federal courts, but not until 1967. For up to 50 years the State officials waged a war to destroy all public and many private records that would have affirmed the existence of Native Americans in Virginia. Now, historians have affirmed that there is no other State in the Nation that compares to Virginia's efforts to eradicate its citizens' Indian identity. All of Virginia's State recognized tribes have filed petitions with the Bureau of Acknowledgement seeking Federal recognition, but it is a very difficult burden, as you know, Mr. Chairman, for these tribes to be able to get that kind of acknowledgement. They have been told that they probably won't process the paperwork in their lifetimes. They weren't able to get jobs. They weren't able to get a public school education. The only education they've got were from religious groups, missionaries. That is one of the reasons, as Senator Allen referred to, they believe gambling is a sin. They do not want to have anything to do with gambling. They could gamble if they wanted with bingo parlors. They won't do it, even though the American Legion or the VFW bingo parlor is down the street. They won't do it. This is a very difficult and really undignified process for Indians to have to go through, particularly these tribes where their records were officially destroyed. That just aggravates the injustice that has already been visited upon these tribes. It wasn't until 1997 when then Governor George Allen signed legislation directing State agencies to correct these State records that had been deliberately altered to list Virginia Indians as colored. The law allows living members of the tribes to try to correct those records, but the law can't correct the damage done to past generations; 2 years later the Virginia General Assembly adopted a resolution calling upon us in the Congress to enact legislation recognizing the Virginia Indian tribes. Well, that was 7 years ago. Now, we have submitted that legislation. We have continued to push it. We are counting on you now, Mr. Chairman and the members of this committee. There is no doubt that the Chickahominy, the Eastern Chickahominy, the Monacan, the Nansemod, the Rappahannock, and the Upper Mattaponi Tribes exist. They do exist. They've existed on a continuous basis since before western European settlers first stepped foot in America. They are here with us today. Helen Rountree will testify on the next panel. The Chairman. Congressman Moran, would you please summarize, because---- Mr. Moran. I will. She spent her lifetime researching this. You are going to hear from her, Senator. This is a compelling case, and I hope you will correct this travesty of justice. We are counting on you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. [Prepared statement of Mr. Moran appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much, Congressman Moran. And thank you for taking the time to come over today and be a part of this and add important testimony on this issue. We now recognize our friend and colleague, Chairman Warner. STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN W. WARNER, U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA Senator Warner. Thank you, Senator McCain and members of the committee. First, I'd like to commend the committee and its leadership in seeking to rectify obvious wrongs inflicted many years ago in the history of our State. And I want to commend the members of the tribes who have joined here this morning, and hundreds of others who are back in their homes awaiting the outcome of this very important hearing. I want you to know that throughout my career here I have supported Federal recognition of these tribes. I am certain that we can devise a means where we can do so, albeit recognizing a lot of the records do not exist. Somehow, we've got the power, I believe, here in the Congress to do what is right. My only concern, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, is the issue of gambling. We've witnessed how gambling in various parts of the United States has literally transformed communities, transformed the quality of life sought by so many people. While the current leadership of these tribes have represented they have no interest in gambling, we all recognize we are not immortal, and others will succeed as time marches on with regard to the management of their tribal desires. Therefore, I want you to know that, while I strongly will work to get this Federal recognition, I equally will strongly work to resist any legislation that does not ensure that these areas designated by the Federal Government and the people on them will conduct themselves consistent, as it relates to gambling, as the law of the Commonwealth of Virginia, whatever that law may be at such time as that issue may arise. With that in mind, I join my colleagues this morning and I implore the committee to exercise every possible way to achieve our goals, but at the same time achieve them such that the issue of gaming will be controlled by the State law. I thank you. The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I thank you for taking the time to be in here this morning. Senator Dorgan. STATEMENT OF HON. BYRON L. DORGAN, U.S. SENATOR FROM NORTH DAKOTA, VICE CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS Senator Dorgan. Mr. Chairman, first of all, thank you. I missed just the first part of Senator Allen's testimony. A bill that I've introduced is being heard in the Commerce Committee, so I am sorry I was delayed. But thank you for offering us the historical perspective and the interest that you have with respect to justice for these tribes. I think the committee has to try to work through these issues, and your testimony is very valuable to us. Thank you very much. The Chairman. Senator Thomas, I thank you for coming this morning. I appreciate it. And Senator Warner, we certainly understand your concern on this gambling issue, which seems to pervade this issue of tribal recognition and has caused considerable controversy in other States as Indian tribes achieve recognition or entities receive recognition as recognized tribes. I thank the witnesses for coming this morning. I appreciate your being here. Thanks again. Our next panel: Lee Fleming is director of the Office of Federal Acknowledgement of the Department of the Interior. Welcome, Mr. Fleming. Your complete statement will be made part of the record. We thank you for being here this morning. Please proceed. STATEMENT OF LEE FLEMING, DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF FEDERAL ACKNOWLEDGEMENT, DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON, DC Mr. Fleming. Good morning, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. My name is Lee Fleming and I am the director of the Office of Federal Acknowledgement at the Department of the Interior. I am here today to provide the Administration's testimony on two bills, S. 437, entitled ``The Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians of Michigan Referral Act,'' and S. 480, ``The Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act of 2005.'' The acknowledgement of the continued existence of another sovereign is one of the most solemn and important responsibilities delegated to the Secretary of the Interior. Federal acknowledgement enables Indian tribes to participate in Federal programs and establishes a government-to-government relationship between the United States and the Indian tribe. Acknowledgement carries with it certain immunities and privileges, including exemptions from State and local jurisdictions and the ability of newly acknowledged Indian tribes to undertake certain economic opportunities. The Department recognizes that under the United States Constitution Congress has the authority to recognize a distinctly Indian community as an Indian tribe, but along with that authority it is important that all parties have the opportunity to review all the information available before recognition is granted. That is why the Department of Interior supports a recognition process that requires groups to go through the Federal acknowledgement process, because it provides a deliberative, uniform mechanism to review and consider groups seeking Indian tribal status. Legislation such as S. 437 and S. 480 would allow these groups to bypass this process, allowing them to avoid the scrutiny to which other groups have been subjected. While legislation in Congress can be a tool to accomplish this goal, a legislative solution should be used sparingly in cases where there is an overriding reason to bypass the process. Interior strongly supports all groups going through the Federal acknowledgement process under 25 C.F.R. part 83. The Department believes that the Federal acknowledgement process set forth in 25 C.F.R. part 83 allows for the uniform and rigorous review necessary to make an informed decision establishing this important government-to-government relationship. Before the development of these regulations, the Federal Government and the Department of the Interior made determinations as to which groups were Indian tribes when negotiating treaties and determining which groups could reorganize under the Indian Reorganization Act. Ultimately, treaty rights and land claims litigation highlighted the importance of these tribal status decisions; thus, the Department in 1978 recognized the need to end ad hoc decision- making and adopt uniform regulations for Federal acknowledgement. Under the Department's regulations, petitioning groups must demonstrate that they meet each of the seven mandatory criteria. The petitioner must: One, demonstrate that it has been identified as an American Indian entity on a substantially continuous basis since 1900; Two, show that a predominant portion of the petitioning group comprises a distinct community and has existed as a community from historical times until the present; Three, demonstrate that it has maintained political influence or authority over its members as an autonomous entity from historical times until the present; Four, provide a copy of the group's present governing document, including its membership criteria; Five, demonstrate that its membership consists of individuals who descend from a historical Indian tribe or from historical Indian tribes that combined and functioned as a single autonomous political entity and provide a current membership list; Six, show that the membership of the petitioning group is composed principally of persons who are not members of any acknowledged North American Indian Tribe; and, last, Seven, demonstrate that neither the petitioner nor its members are subject of Congressional legislation that has expressly terminated or forbidden the Federal relationship. A criterion shall be considered met if the available evidence establishes a reasonable likelihood of the validity of the facts relating to that criterion. A petitioner must satisfy all seven mandatory criteria in order for the Department to acknowledge the continued tribal existence of a group as an Indian tribe. Currently, the Department's workload of 19 groups seeking Federal acknowledgement consists of 10 petitions on active consideration and nine petitions on the ready waiting for active consideration. Now, with respect to S. 437, the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians, and another petitioning group, the Burt Lake Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, Incorporated, both of these groups are affected by the timing of deadlines for the distribution of judgment funds under the Michigan Indian Land Claims Settlement Act. Both groups have applied for Federal acknowledgement under the regulations. The Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians, which would receive recognition under this bill, has not submitted a complete documented petition demonstrating its ability to meet all seven mandatory criteria. The group did submit partial documentation in December 2000, and received a technical assistance review letter from the office in January 2005. The purpose of the technical assistance review is to provide the group with the opportunity to supplement its petition due to obvious deficiencies or significant omissions. As of last week, the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians submitted additional documentation in response to the technical assistance review letter. Under section 110 of the Settlement Act, if the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians or the Burt Lake Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, Incorporated, are acknowledged before December 15, 2006, each could receive a significant lump sum from the judgment fund in excess of $4.4 million, provided that the group and its membership meet the eligibility criteria set forth under the Settlement Act. If no new tribes are recognized before that date, the money is, instead, distributed per capita to the Indians on the descendent roll. The Secretary would have 90 days to segregate the funds and to deposit those funds into a separate account established in the group's name. Section 205 of this bill provides that, notwithstanding section 110 of the Michigan Indian Land Claims Settlement Act, effective beginning on the date of enactment of this act any funds set aside by the Secretary for use by the tribes shall be made available to the tribe. Under S. 437 and the Settlement Act, funds are not set aside for the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians until they are recognized. Although not clear, we interpret section 205 of S. 437 to mean that, if the Grand River Band is acknowledged prior to December 15, 2006, any funds set aside for them under section 110 of the Settlement Act would not be subject to plans approved in accordance with the Settlement Act. We do not support section 205 because it takes away the membership's right to participate in the development of the use and distribution plan for the judgment funds. If S. 437 is enacted, we suggest that section 205 be amended. The Department also has concerns over the three different membership lists referenced in sections 102 and 202. It is unclear why three different lists would be required. In addition, S. 437 appears to be ambiguous concerning the nature and extent of jurisdiction and possible conflicts with treaty rights of other Federally recognized tribes. The Department would like to work with the committee in order to find an equitable solution to all parties connected to the Settlement Act. Now, with respect to S. 480, the Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Recognition Act of 2005, this bill provides Federal recognition as Indian tribes to six Virginia groups: The Chickahominy Indian Tribe; the Chickahominy Indian Tribe Eastern Division; the Upper Mattaponi Tribe; the Rappahannock Tribe, Incorporated; the Monacan Indian Nation; and the Nansemod Indian Tribe. Under the regulations, these six groups have submitted letters of intent and partial documentation to petition for Federal acknowledgement as Indian tribes. Some of these groups are awaiting technical assistance reviews under the Department's regulations. As stated above, the purpose of the technical assistance review is to provide the groups with opportunities to supplement their petitions due to obvious deficiencies and significant omissions. Today, none of these petitioning groups have submitted completed documented petitions demonstrating their ability to meet all seven mandatory criteria. The Federal acknowledgment regulations provide a uniform mechanism to review and consider groups seeking tribal status. S. 480 and S. 437, however, allow these groups to bypass these standards, allowing them to avoid the scrutiny to which other groups have been subjected. We look forward to working with these groups and assisting them further as they continue under the Federal acknowledgment process. This concludes my prepared statement, and I would be happy to answer any questions the Committee may have. [Prepared statement of Mr. Fleming appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Fleming. You just mentioned that they have not submitted the documentation for the Federal recognition process under your responsibilities? Mr. Fleming. All of these groups have submitted partial documentation, some more than others. And with respect to the Grand River Bands, they just recently submitted about 10 archival boxes last week. The Chairman. What about the Virginia tribes? Mr. Fleming. The Virginia tribes have provided documentation over time. We have been in the midst of developing their technical assistance review letters, but they are far from completing their documented petitions. The Chairman. Was your office involved in the drafting of either of the bills before us today? Mr. Fleming. No, sir. The Chairman. In the Virginia case, there is overwhelming evidence that there has been substantial destruction or corruption of documentation. Is it realistic to believe that they could meet the Federal acknowledgment process criteria? Mr. Fleming. The regulations allow for all kinds of evidence, and evidence is found on the Federal level, the State level, the county level, the local level--church records, for example--and tribal group and family records. We have had many groups provide that type of documentation. In doing cursory review of records in many of these counties where these groups reside, there are records for these groups to research and provide under the process. We certainly would like to provide technical assistance to show what these documents will show to help each group as they prepare their petitions. The Chairman. How do you respond to criticism of your office that the process takes so long? Mr. Fleming. It is a necessary thorough process. We have been reviewed by the Government Accountability Office [GAO]. We have understood the length of time it takes for petitioning groups, but it is a process also burdened by the number of groups that are already lined up in the process. The Chairman. What was the GAO's conclusions? Mr. Fleming. The GAO's conclusions were that they recommend that we improve on the timeliness and the transparency of this process, because this process affects many---- The Chairman. Are you implementing those recommendations? Mr. Fleming. Yes; we are. The Chairman. How soon can you let us know of your implementation of those recommendations? Mr. Fleming. We can certainly provide the committee with-- -- The Chairman. I mean when will it be completed? Mr. Fleming. The overall process? The Chairman. The implementation of those recommendations by the GAO. Mr. Fleming. Those recommendations have been---- The Chairman. They have already been implemented? Mr. Fleming [continuing]. Implemented. The Chairman. Finally, under the conditions, the normal situation as it prevails today, if both of these entities were federally recognized tribes, what is the situation as to regard to both of them being able to engage in gaming? Mr. Fleming. If these tribes are recognized, they would have the same equal footing as the other 561 federally recognized tribes. With regard to the Virginia groups, however, there is a provision that addresses the ability of these groups with regard to gaming. The Chairman. And the case prohibiting it? Mr. Fleming. Prohibiting. The Chairman. In the case of the Michigan legislation, there is none? Mr. Fleming. I believe that is correct. The Chairman. I thank you, Mr. Fleming. Senator Thomas. Senator Thomas. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think you have asked most of the question. I guess you said, of course, you are concerned about going through the Congress, but 437 doesn't go through the Congress, it simply asks for your department to get the job done, doesn't it? Mr. Fleming. That is correct. The bill has deadlines that are stale. Most of those deadlines in the proposed bill have already passed, so something would need to be addressed with regard to a new schedule or dates. Senator Thomas. Why would you say that you haven't come to some decision prior to now? Why is it taking so long to come up with a final decision? Mr. Fleming. Senator, we have so many groups that are ahead of some of these other petitioning groups. They have been lined up, and we have nine groups, for example, that are under various phases of what is known as ``active consideration.'' This is a period of time where our professionals are looking at the evidence of these nine particular groups. Once those groups are cleared off of active consideration, then we have ten groups that are lined up that are ready, that have completed documentation, and then we are able to apply our resources to reviewing those 10 petitioning groups. Senator Thomas. How long have you been considering the Michigan group? Mr. Fleming. The Michigan groups, the Burt Lake Band submitted their letter of intent in 1985, the Grand River Band group submitted their letter of intent in the midnineties. Now, a letter of intent simply says we are interested in the process. Under the Settlement Act and those deadlines, those petitioning groups did meet some of these intermediary deadlines for getting a documented petition into our office. In fact, Burt Lake is one of the groups that is further along. They are expecting a final determination in September of this year. Senator Thomas. Well, I agree with the idea that it really shouldn't go around this, but can there be groups that have been longer than 10 or 12 years ago that are still pending? I do not understand the administrative process that you are 10 years off and you still are behind a bunch of other groups. What is the story? Mr. Fleming. This is a concern that I think we all---- Senator Thomas. Well what are you doing about it? I mean, having a concern doesn't solve the problem. Mr. Fleming. Let me give you an example. One group submitted their letter of intent in 1978. The regulation allows the group to then research documentation. Twenty years later the group submitted their material. No fault of their own other than it is a process that takes time to research and find the documents to provide in the process. So the Department gets blamed for those 20 years that the group is working on its petition. Then we issue a technical assistance review letter. Senator Thomas. I do not think we are talking about how long it takes for them to do it; it is when it gets to the department, how soon does that decision come? Mr. Fleming. When the petitioner goes on active consideration, then the regulation provides certain regulatory due process periods of time. For example, 12 months is involved in the review of the evidence to make sure that the evidence is applied to all 7 mandatory criteria. When we propose a finding, either to acknowledge or to not acknowledge, that allows for then a 6-month public comment period to allow the petitioner and the public to comment on our finding. Then the petitioner is allowed to months to respond to any comments that may have come in from an interested party. Then the Department has 2 months to work on the production of the final determination. So right there you are just under the regulatory process of these various phases of due process. That is 22 months. Senator Thomas. Okay. Well, I understand the difficulty, but I just think we need to be as watchful as we can to make sure that these things do not go on for years standing in line. What would you do then in 480, finally, if, because of the age of the years involved here, that some of these documents that you require are not available but that the evidence is still there that should happen? I guess---- Mr. Fleming. I would state that the records are there. The records are available on the Federal level. For example, the Federal census is taken every 10 years. You have the 1930 being the most available right now. These groups should look for their families and members on the Federal Census. In fact, in a cursory look some of the individuals are even identified as Rappahannock, Mattaponi, or Pamonky. This is 1930 in the middle of that period of time when Virginia had some of its policies affecting vital records. But even vital records, the names of the parents and the names of the children are listed with their dates of birth, place of birth, and so on and so forth. These are the types of records that help demonstrate the genealogies of these families. Sure enough, you may find different designations in these records, but even when you do a cursory look of records on the county level you are finding hunting and gaming documents where individuals are listed as ``IN'' or ``IND,'' standing for Indian. Church records, these records are very helpful in demonstrating events that are taking place in the communities. You almost have to follow the genealogy of a church, because some members will disassociate from a mother church and create another church and then another church, but then you go back and you look at those types of records. Our staff is ready to assist these groups in identifying these various records at these various levels. Civil War destroyed some of the courthouse records, but from 1865 to the present there are records there to help document those time periods. Prior to that there are other records on the other levels that I had just mentioned. Senator Thomas. Well, I know it is difficult, but I just think we have to come to some decisions, and it can't go on endlessly without some decision-making. Thank you. The Chairman. Senator Allen, would you like to ask questions? Senator Allen. First of all, I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for letting me be an ex officio member of the committee. The Chairman. You are always welcome here. Senator Allen. Well, I wanted to hear the testimony of Chief Adkins, who will explain, as well as Dr. Rountree, on why it is so difficult to get these records, mostly because of vital statistics, the best records, of course, purged any reference to Indian or American Indian or whatever, anything other than white or colored. One can say that this is a simple thing to do, but I would simply ask Mr. Fleming, you have read our legislation here. As you go through the documentation, the treaties, the Chickahominy, the Nansemod, the Rappahannock, all these different tribes, it is very interesting history, really, of Virginia. Some of these treaties were entered into in 1614 before the Pilgrims even landed up at Plymouth Rock. And you just see trying to reconstruct, it is more than just the last few years. It is even prior to that. Do you have any question whatsoever that these tribes do exist, or people have the bloodlines, that there are Chickahominy, there are Rappahannock Indians, there are Monacan Indians or Upper Mattaponi and the others that are involved in our legislation? Mr. Fleming. The groups exist, and we know they exist because they have petitioned under our process. We also have, in total, actually 12 groups from Virginia that have petitioned for Federal acknowledgment. What struck me in looking at the bill--and when you cursorily look at all the events that were listed chronologically, it raised a yellow flag in my mind because there are evidentiary gaps that are in these findings. We would advise then, under technical assistance to these groups, find documents to help supplement these periods where there are gaps. Our staff did do a cursory look at the various types of records that could be found at the State archives, the State library, in the counties, in the churches, in the families of these groups, and, as you start to gather the evidence, you align the evidence chronologically under the seven mandatory criteria to help demonstrate that there is a continued tribal existence socially and politically and that they do, indeed, descend from an historical tribe or tribes. I think what other concern I have is in the bill, as we compare it to our petitioners in the process, there are two Rappahannock groups, there are two Chickahominy groups, there are two Mattaponi groups that, when you have two groups, there are questions with regard to then membership. What is going on here? These issues are ironed out through the acknowledgment process and it allows for clear definition of who is who and who belongs to whatever group. Senator Allen. How long do you think it would take to go through your processes to have these tribes recognized using your agency? Mr. Fleming. It depends on the group in doing research, because a lot of that time is involved with the research. It would be interesting to see if there could be some cooperation between not only our office in providing technical assistance, but other institutions. The Commonwealth of Virginia has tremendous research institutions, and one can foresee some kind of coordination between the groups and academia, where most of these records are kept in their institutions, such as William and Mary, for example. The Brafforton School for Indians was established in the early 1600's and ran and then eventually became William and Mary. Those records have references to Indian students who came from these various groups of today. Senator Allen. What's the average for a tribe to be recognized using your agency, as opposed to a---- Mr. Fleming. The GAO did an analysis of that. They looked at the various groups. Our regulation went through revisions in 1994, but we can provide you the data on that, because not only do you have work that is being done by each group, but you are also having work done by the Department of Interior. They broke down some of those time frames to give an idea of how long it took a group to document versus how long did it take a group to go through our process. Senator Allen. So what is the answer to the question? Mr. Fleming. I'd have to get back to you on that. Senator Allen. Roughly. Mr. Fleming. Roughly probably 6 to 10 years. Senator Allen. Total? Mr. Fleming. Some groups less, some groups more. Senator Allen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Fleming. Our next panel is: Stephen Adkins, who is the chief of the Chickahominy Indian Tribe; Helen Rountree, who is the professor emerita of anthropology at the Old Dominion University; Ron Yob, who is the chairman of the Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians; Reverend David Willerup, the pastor of the Westwood Reform Church in Muskegon, Michigan; and Michael O'Connor, who is the president, Virginia Petroleum, Convenience, and Grocery Association in Richmond, VA. Chief Adkins, we will begin with you, sir. STATEMENT OF STEPHEN R. ADKINS, CHIEF, CHICKAHOMINY INDIAN TRIBE, CHARLES CITY, VA Mr. Adkins. Thank you, Senator McCain, Chairman McCain, and members of the committee for allowing me to testify here today. I will omit some of my prepared oral testimony. Senator Allen has spoken to some of my points, as well as Senator Warner and Congressman Moran. But I would like to say that one of the bright spots in our history occurred in 1997 when Senator Allen signed that legislation that compelled the State to go back and change the vital statistics, the birth records of my tribe and several other tribes in Virginia, and also I would thank the Senator for his unflagging support from the State House to the Halls of Congress. You, Senator McCain, I would like to thank you for the fact that you told Chief Ken Adams and myself in February of this year at the winter conference of the National Congress of American Indians that you would give consideration to and look at the bill that we have before this committee, and I thank you for honoring that commitment and having us here today. This is the third time, in fact, that I have appeared before the Senate Indian Affairs Committee, so my story really hasn't changed. It hasn't changed since 1607 when we actually greeted the English settlers as sovereign nations. The Senator, Senator Allen, talked about our treaties. The first treaty engaged with the colonists was in 1614, that being between the Chickahominy and English settlers. Then we had treaties in intervening years. In the 1640's, the treaty that Congressman Moran alluded to delineated some of the responsibilities of the tribes and the officials regarding what the tribes would do and what the governing body would do. One provision of that treaty was that a tribute would be made every year to the State House as a condition of that treaty. That tradition has continued for over 3\1/2\ centuries, which I think would lend some compelling evidence to some of the points that Mr. Fleming brought up regarding the continuity of our people for those years. I would like to say a little bit about Walter Plecker. I won't go into the whole thing because that has been talked about today. I would like to mention that we have gotten support from three Governors--Governor Allen, Governor Warner, Governor Kane--letters that have come pledging their support for our efforts around Federal recognition. But when I think about Walter Plecker, the rabid separatist that he was, and those things that were done to my people, it is not something I like to talk about, but what that caused us to do was unite more strongly as tribes and to really work hard to preserve our heritage. Now, the obvious barriers that we had were barriers that were created that caused the public to look at us as something other than Indian, so we fought the system and the image that we had in the public. No other State had officials that were as rigid, as zealous enforcers of such a vile act as Virginia had, so we faced the bureaucratic obstacles as well as the scrutiny of the public in maintaining our heritage. Very hard to do. But I would say it made us stronger. Some people under adverse conditions wither and die away; I would say this made us stronger and gave us a more compelling desire and urge and more deliberateness in pursuing our rightful place as recognized tribes within these great United States of America. I am glad to be here today to offer this testimony. I have with me today Dr. Helen Rountree, who is prepared to assist with any questions you may have about our history. Senator McCain, I could tell you much about the publicized stories of 17th century Virginia, and you have heard much of that, so I won't talk much about that. But I would say that well known is the story of Chief Powhatan, and more widely known is the story of his daughter, Pocahontas, whose very picture hangs in the Capitol Building here in D.C., along with her husband, her English husband John Rolfe. I would say that without the hospitality of my forebears, the first permanent English settlement would not have been Jamestown. To be sure, there would have been one, but it wouldn't have been Jamestown. People know about the 17th century and how that early history so callously denied our Indian heritage, but I want you to remember most and recognize most is that myself, along with the chiefs here today, stand on the shoulders of those people who gave their lives, whose very lives were destroyed because of the harsh realities that existed in the 17th century and have carried on through the 20th and now the 21st century. I stand here on the shoulders of Chief Wowinchopunk, who was chief of the Paspahegh, whose whole tribe was annihilated by 1610. Some of those descendants found refuge with the Chickahominy Tribe, but as a tribal group they were destroyed. That is 3 years after the English settlement. As we commemorate Jamestown 2007, the birth of this great Nation, those of Indian heritage in Virginia are reminded of this history and it is painful. We are actively involved in the commemoration of the birth of this great Nation and we think it is the right thing to do. We know that one of the legacies of this effort will be that our story will be told the way it happened. The legacy will find its way into the history books, the textbooks of our schools, so that is a good thing. But we are seeking recognition through an act of Congress rather than the BIA because we think the actions taken by the Commonwealth of Virginia during the 20th century erased our history by altering key documents as part of a systematic plan, a systematic plan to deny our existence. We think this state action separates us from other tribes of this country that were protected from this blatant denial of Indian heritage and identity, so it distinguishes us from those tribes. The Senator talked about the article from Peter Hardin, so I won't mention that, but I do concur that I would like to see that in the records. It was socially unacceptable to kill Indians in Virginia, but we became fair game to this documented genocide, the eugenics movement, and all of the attendant things that occurred under the leadership of Walter Plecker that sought to destroy who we are, that Racial Integrity Act of 1924. Now, the thing about it, that law stayed in effect half of my life. My Mom and Dad traveled to Washington, DC, on February 20, 1935, to be married as Indians because they couldn't do it in the Commonwealth of Virginia. People ask me why I do not have an Indian name. The answer is quite simple. My Mom and Dad weighed the risks of naming me what they would have loved to name me and said it is not worth the risk of going to jail. Now, I am not alone in that plight. There are people here today who do not carry Indian names because of the threat of going to jail for a year if that happened. Again, no other ethnic community was probably denied in that way. I would like to talk a little bit about---- The Chairman. Chief, you have got to talk a little bit faster. We are well over time. I have been informed we have a vote at 11:15, so we want to be able to give all of the---- Mr. Adkins. Okay. Give me 1\1/2\ minutes. We think that recognition through Congress because of the history of racism in very recent times that intimidated our people, prevented us from believing that we could fit into a petition process that would either understand or reconcile the State action with our heritage. We fear the process would not be able to see beyond the corrupted documentation that was designed to deny our heritage. Mr. McCain, the story I just told you I do not like to tell. It is very painful. But that is how we got here to day. I would like to end this testimony with a quote from Chief Powhatan. I think it is very timely and I would like for you to hear that. I used this quote last year but I want this year to specially honor him. Last summer I was one of two chiefs to be hosted by the British Government. We went to England and we were honored, first time a Virginia Indian had been honored in England since Pocahontas visited there with her husband, John Rolfe. But here is that quote: I wish that your love to us might not be less than ours to you. Why should you take by force that which you can have from us by love? Why should you destroy us who have provided you with food? What can you get by war? In such circumstances, my men must watch, and if a twig should but break all would cry out, `Here comes Captain Smith.' And so, in this miserable manner to end my miserable life. And, Captain Smith, this might soon be your fate too. I, therefore, exhort you to peaceable councils, and above all I insist that the guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness, be removed and sent away. Senator McCain, our bill would give us this peace that Chief Powhatan sought, it would honor the treaty our ancestors made with the early colonists and the Crown, and at this time in our history when we are commemorating the 400th anniversary of the birth of the greatest nation in the world, it would show respect for our heritage and our identity, that through jealousy perhaps has never before been acknowledged. Thank you. [Prepared statement of Mr. Adkins appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much. The written statements of all the witnesses will be included in the record completely. We are going to have to stick fairly close to the 5-minute rule here because of the vote that is going to take place so we have time to hear your testimony as well as answer questions. I apologize for any inconvenience that may cause you. Dr. Rountree, thank you, and thank you for all the hard work you have done for many years on this issue. STATEMENT OF HELEN ROUNTREE, PROFESSOR EMERITA OF ANTHROPOLOGY, OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY, NORFOLK, VA Ms. Rountree. Thank you, sir. I will make this very succinct and count on questions afterwards. I am going to cut down even the few pages I have. I am Dr. Helen Rountree, an ethno-historian trained in both anthropology and history, but my primary area is cultural anthropology. I started working with American Indians in Nevada and worked with people who were more fluent in Shoshone than they were in English, but in 1969 I became acquainted with Virginia Indians, saw serious parallels, and said I had better get to work and begin researching here. I have been doing it ever since. I not only have spent time visiting and living with the modern people, but I have literally scoured the published and unpublished records in Virginia, including the speed reading the often unindexed county records from 1607 onward. I have found the records that Mr. Fleming is looking for. I hope you will ask me what I have done with them besides publishing them, for I have produced no less than six books on the subject of the Powhatan Indians of Virginia. Number seven is in the hopper. The one that is most germane to this hearing came out 16 years ago, ``The Powhatan Indians of Virginia Through Four Centuries.'' Roughly one-third of the book is end notes and bibliography which gives the resources of the records I found to prove I didn't make anything up. These records are going to be easy to throw in a Xerox machine and send to Washington if I ever get the word to do it. I have yet to get a word to do it. Do please ask me about that. It is a point of bitterness with me. Sorry. It is on behalf of the Indians I work with. I am not the first social scientist to work with these tribes in Virginia. There have been social scientists, including anthropologists like me who specialize in American Indians, North American Indians, working with them for 120 years, just under 120. So it is not as if I am the first, and it is not as if they are recently appearing. They are not. I learned early on what it was going to take to show that ethnic groups were actually here. The criteria I was using were subsequently codified by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. They were not news to me. I knew those criteria, too. In my opinion, the six tribes represented here today meet those criteria. Why they did not choose the BIA route is their own business and they can answer that, but they do meet the criteria. The people are authentic. On that basis, I will stand firm. There are several things that make the Indian groups in Virginia an exception, and many of them, in my opinion as an outsider, have to do with Pocahontas, believe it or not. When the icon of Indianness in your State is a legendary figure from 400 years back and an internationally famous turncoat who has been Disneyfied, it is a little hard for modern-day tribal people to look Indian in the eyes of the general public. And talk about being overshadowed, these people I work with have been overshadowed badly for as long as the Pocahontas legend has been going on. People would much rather talk about Pocahontas to me. I work with Virginia Indians. ``Well, tell me about Pocahontas.'' It goes on all the time. This has blinded people in Virginia, many people, to the fact that there have been Indian tribes all along in their midst. They didn't want to look at the reality. They preferred to look at the legend. It has gone on for 400 years now. Pocahontas also played into the difficulties of the 20th century with that racial integrity legislation. The one drop rule--one drop of non-white ancestry makes you colored--was believed in by many Virginia people, including my ancestors there, back in the 19th century when they began to try to make it a matter of law of racial definitions. The first thing they discovered was that some of the aristocratic Virginians traced their ancestry back to Pocahontas, and therefore some of the State's aristocrats would be the very first people put onto the Jim Crow Coach. ``We cannot allow that to happen,'' so they wrote an exception right from the beginning of the 20th century for, as they were called, the ``Pocahontas descendants.'' But for the die-hard white supremacists in the State--Plecker was only one of several--for those die-hards, they saw that as a hole in the dike that had to be plugged, and the quickest way to plug it was to say the only people with Indian ancestry are those Pocahontas descendants today, and all these other people claiming to be Indian are only using the Indian label as a ``waystation to whiteness.'' That is a direct quote, a ``waystation to whiteness.'' So the stridency that you heard all across the south in the first one-half of the 20th century was much magnified in Virginia, and the attacks on people saying publicly they were Indian, like Steve's ancestors, were that much more public and that much more relentless. When the racial definitions were repealed---- The Chairman. Dr. Rountree. We have run out of time. Please summarize. Ms. Rountree. I will summarize. It is not a waystation to whiteness they've claimed. They are still saying they are Indian. Anybody can be anything they want to in Virginia now. They are still saying they are Indian, so I think they deserve recognition on that basis. Thank you. [Prepared statement of Ms. Rountree appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much, Dr. Rountree. Thank you for your passion. Chairman Yob, welcome back. STATEMENT OF RON YOB, CHAIRMAN, GRAND RIVER BANDS OF OTTAWA INDIANS, GRAND RAPIDS, MI, ACCOMPANIED BY FRAN COMP, VICE CHAIRMAN Mr. Yob. Sir, thank you. [Remarks in Native tongue.] Good morning, Mr. Chairman and members of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, my name is Ron Yob and I am chairman of the Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians of Michigan. I would ask the committee that Vice Chairman Fran Comp will be allowed to assist me if there are any questions from the committee. Thank you very much for holding this hearing today on bill S. 437 that would expedite review of the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians to secure timely and just determination on whether the tribe is entitled to recognition as a Federal Indian tribe. I want to be clear that this is not a recognition bill. This would allow the tribe to participate in an expedited process through the Office of Federal Acknowledgment and allow the OFA to make a final determination. We'd like to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to Senator Levin and Senator Stabenow for their interest and support of our tribe. For many good and valid reasons, the tribe is very hopeful that the committee will favorably consider S. 437. The story of our tribe is long and varied, as is the story of recognition of all the Michigan Indian treaty tribes, of which the Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians is the only one that remains unrecognized. The Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians is the largest unrecognized treaty tribe in Michigan, and perhaps the United States. Our members live primarily in western Michigan in the same area we have lived since before the Europeans first arrived there. Our prehistoric burial mounds are located along the Grand River near the city of Grand Rapids, and in many other areas of the river, from below Lansing to Grand Haven. As we are pressed for time, I would like to focus the testimony on the legislation and why we are pursuing an expedited process to pursue Federal acknowledgment. The Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians of Michigan is comprised of 19 bands of Ottawa Indians who occupy the territory along the Grand River Valley and other river valleys in what is now southwest Michigan, including the cities of Grand Rapids and Muskegon. There are about 700 tribal members, the majority living in and around the counties of Kent, Muskegon, and Oceana. We are signatories to five treaties, and all successor tribes have now been recognized by the United States except for the Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians. In 1997 Congress passed the Michigan Indian Lands Claim Settlement Act to implement distribution of several land claim awards. The law provides that to be eligible for the set-aside a non-recognized tribe must file its documented petition by December 15, 2000. We have done so. The act provides 6 years for the BIA to issue a final determination on that petition. The BIA has not done so. If the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians is not recognized by March 15, 2007, we are going to lose millions of dollars for tribal programs that would otherwise be available. S. 437 was introduced by Senators Levin and Stabenow to ensure that our petition would be acted on in time for the Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians to qualify for the funds set aside by Congress for the tribe. After making our submission on December 8, 2000, the Grand River Bands did not hear from the Bureau of Indian Affairs [BIA] until April 2004, when they granted us a technical assistance meeting at the request of Congressman Peter Hoekstra. It was another 9 months before we received our technical assistance letter on January 26, 2005. The Grand River Bands have spent the past 17 months collecting materials, preparing a 63-page legal response supported by a 265-page ethno-historical response, additional documents, and two certified copies of our membership documents. We filed this as our response to the TA letter on June 9, 2006. My conclusion: The Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians has the support of its community and other Michigan tribes, and thankfully our Senators. This bill does not directly recognize the tribe, but instead refers the matter to the BIA for a determination with time lines for deciding the tribe's status and filing a report to Congress. The Congress has directly reaffirmed the existence of four other Michigan tribes, so there is an ample precedent for direct reaffirmation of our status. The Grand River Bands have always been an active leader in the Michigan Indian community. We participate, though often unofficially, in Indian child welfare cases, repatriation matters, and other dealings with other State, local, and private entities. We have spearheaded the return of the original 1855 Treaty of the Grand Rapids to be exhibited in the museum named for our great former President Gerald Ford. If S. 437 is not passed and Grand River Bands of Ottawa Indians remains in the Federal acknowledgment process, not only will Grand River lose millions of dollars, we estimate it will take 15 to 25 years to complete this process. Thank you again for your attention to S. 437, and we pray that the committee will act favorably on this legislation. [Prepared statement of Mr. Yob appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much, Chairman Yob. Reverend Willerup, welcome. STATEMENT OF DAVID WILLERUP, PASTOR, WESTWOOD REFORM CHURCH, MUSKEGON, MI Mr. Willerup. Thank you very much, Chairman McCain. I am here today as a pastor of Westwood Reform Church, the former president of Positively Muskegon, which was a ballot action committee formed in 2003 to face one referral question that was put before the city of Muskegon. We faced a single question referral in September 9, 2003, whether the city of Muskegon should host a casino or not. Most of the reason why we are here today has to do with that particular referral and activities after that referral in September 2003. Prior to September 2003 the Archimedes Group, LLC, was involved in some redevelopment claims for our downtown. Our downtown in Muskegon--and Muskegon is only a population of 40,000 residents with a beautiful beach. We have significant investment from Grand Valley State University in a technologically advanced Michigan Alternative and Renewable Energy Research Center, and also Water Research Facilities Institute. Both of these represent millions of dollars of investment. Well, the Archimedes group approached the Downtown Muskegon Redevelopment Corporation with a proposal to put a casino on 23 acres of defunct mall property which was rejected. For the next several months the Archimedes group published their plan on this mall property. I attended one of those meetings where they said that the casino would be the economic savior of Muskegon and, as a reverend, that got my ire up. So when I stood up at the meeting to ask what avenue they would take, because in Michigan there are only two ways to get a casino, one is through a private corporation which was enacted only for three casinos in the city of Detroit, or tribal. At that point I was silenced and told to sit down. It took the next several months of public debate to get the Archimedes group to even admit that this would be done through a tribal process, and not until after the vote, which went 52 percent to 48 percent in favor of the referendum from Muskegon city residents only, that the tribe became active politically. There was a political action committee formed by the Archimedes Group called Yes Muskegon. This group has been behind the tribe since the introduction of the idea of a casino for downtown Muskegon. I do have testimony here. I district have proof of my claims that I would like to have included in the record. The Chairman. Without objection. Mr. Willerup. Thank you. They include letters from business and community leaders stating their objection to a casino as an economic engine. In September 2003, as I stated, the referral went in favor where more people turned out for this one non-binding election than voted for the Governor. In November 2003 the ``Muskegon Chronicle'' reported that a deal had been struck between the Archimedes Group and the tribe. In December 2003 I called Senator Stabenow's office to see if she was at all interested in expediting the procedure, at which point I was told no. And then in February 2004 I find that she sponsored legislation. Also in 2004 a tribe that had been previously politically inactive began investing in lobbyists, and over the next 2 years over $200,000 was invested with firms that are mentioned in my testimony. So I would like to make clear to the committee today that my point in being here is to let you know that it is casino interest which is driving this time line. The Archimedes Group had made a public promise that they would have a casino up and running in 3 to 5 years. That will not happen without tribal recognition. I would also like to state that I am not--if that casino were not part, if casino were not part of this effort, I would be in support of the tribe's search for recognition. I do not believe that any people should be denied what has been promised to them, should be denied their culture or their heritage or the avenue through which those things are protected. But because casino is clearly behind it, I ask that this committee consider that, as a progenitor of this bill, we have something that looks a whole lot less like ``Of the people, by the people, for the people,'' and a whole lot more like ``Of Las Vegas, by the lobbyists, and for the management company.'' Thank you. [Prepared statement of Reverend Willerup appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much, sir. Mr. O'Connor, welcome. STATEMENT OF MICHAEL O'CONNOR, PRESIDENT, VIRGINIA PETROLEUM, CONVENIENCE AND GROCERY ASSOCIATION, RICHMOND, VA Mr. O'Connor. Good morning, Senator. I will summarize. I appreciate Senator Allen for his efforts in including our views in the hearing this morning, as well. I am president of the statewide trade association that represents petroleum marketers and convenience store operators in the State of Virginia. All of our members stand to be affected by S. 480, the Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act should it be enacted. While honorable in its intention, S. 480 poses a serious threat to small businesses across our State. If passed, S. 480 could create an anti-competitive marketplace for goods such as tobacco and gasoline and strain the State budget by reducing excise tax revenue from those products. In fact, if passed, the impact of S. 480 could be multi-faceted. The U.S. Government and the government of the Commonwealth of Virginia would recognize the referenced tribes as sovereign entities. The groups would no longer be subject to the taxing power of the Commonwealth. Pursuant to S. 480, these groups would be permitted to purchase and to take into trust land in some of the most populous areas of our State. In fact, it appears that one of the groups could acquire land anywhere in the State of Virginia and turn it into a reservation. This would create havoc for State laws and for law enforcement. For our members, the single greatest concern is that these tribes will have the ability to establish retail business outside of the jurisdiction of traditional State powers to collect taxes. That means that any convenience store, truck stop, or smoke shop established by one of the recognized tribes could sell gasoline and tobacco to the public free of State taxes. The type of tax evasion I am referencing today is not conceptual. It is occurring today in many States and has led to high-profile disputes in New York, Oklahoma, Kansas, and New Mexico, among others. In these States, Native American tribes have used recognition to open convenience stores and truck stops that sell gasoline and tobacco products tax free to non- Native Americans. This is in spite of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling saying that such sales can be subject to State taxes. For example, in New York it is estimated that $360 to $400 million per year is not recouped due to cigarette excise tax evasion. Let me be clear in summing up about our position. We are not opposed to recognition of Virginia's tribes; however, the people whom I represent do not deserve to have a life's investment threatened by a marketer selling gasoline to non- tribal members at a 17\1/2\ cent price advantage, an advantage that would be gained solely through tax evasion. Because this legislation is not just about recognizing existing reservations but pulls in other areas of the State into new reservations, the competitive disadvantage large numbers of convenience store retailers would feel is exacerbated. Mr. Chairman, any legislation of this kind must ensure that tribal members are required to pay all excise taxes on gasoline, tobacco, and other products. Accordingly, unless strong protections against excise and sales tax evasion are included in S. 480, VPCGA must oppose the bill in its current form; however, we would welcome the opportunity to work with the committee, Senator Allen, and any of the proponents to address the concerns that we have aired today. I appreciate your time. [Prepared statement of Mr. O'Connor appears in appendix.] The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. O'Connor. Mr. O'Connor, in many States the tribes and the States have sat down and worked out agreements so that these impacts are mitigated. In some of the States the tribes collect taxes equal to those imposed by the State, etc. Would you be supportive if such agreements could be worked out? Mr. O'Connor. I think the answer to that is if the agreements were embedded in the legislation it would certainly give a great deal more comfort to the people that I represent. The Chairman. How do you feel, Chief Adkins, about that issue? Mr. Adkins. First, I'd like to say this is the first time I've seen Mr. O'Connor, and if he is sincere about working with the tribes I am just kind of amazed that this is the first time I've heard anything that he's talking about today. But the tribes would be willing to work with the State in a way that we honor the sovereignty and respect the laws of the State of Virginia. The Chairman. Chairman Yob, how do you respond to Reverend Willerup's concern that this is simply a casino-driven deal; that the funding that you have received is primarily from developers who would like to see a casino in operation? And I say that because, as you know, in other parts of the State of Michigan there has been great controversy about casinos and its impact on the local communities. How would you respond to Reverend Willerup's concerns? Mr. Yob. Well, basically our tribal council doesn't--as you noticed, our letter of intent was in 1994. The Archimedes people agreement is in 2003. That is 9 years later. Our tribal council do not even talk casino. We do not want casinos. We never brought up casinos. We have been approached over the years by numerous people from Nevada, from Florida. They wanted to fly us to Florida and show us operations in New Jersey, North Dakota. I can go on and on, monthly. I will say no. We were approached by the Archimedes people several times and we still would say no to them. The Chairman. Have the Archimedes people funded some of your efforts? Mr. Yob. Yes; they have, sir. The Chairman. Out of altruism? Mr. Yob. Excuse me? The Chairman. Because they support your effort for recognition or because they think there's some financial gain that they would eventually realize? Mr. Yob. I can't talk for the Archimedes people, but the only thing I can say is that I have seen the nature of the Archimedes people change when they started seeing the plight of our people and they started seeing our priorities. Our casinos are way down the list. We've got too many other things that we need to correct in our State with our own people that have nothing to do with gaming. You know, the only reason that we even worked things out with Archimedes is once, when they brought us to Muskegon, for instance, the person drove by a cemetery and told me that is where his mother was and that is where his brother was buried, and that showed me that connection to that community. He did mention the county-wide vote which was 60-some percent to 40-some percent, actually, that showed that they were in favor of doing that. When that point comes along, that is--our tribal council truly does not want--I mean, I won't say we won't have one, but that is not our intentions, that is not our priority. We have many, many other things that concern the welfare of our people, whether it be education, health care, care for our elders, housing, et cetera. The Chairman. I understand that, but there's a clear record and it is not illegal, but there is a clear record of gaming industry people funding tribes' recognition process, helping fund them, and in return there have been casinos set up. I am not saying there's anything illegal about it, but it certainly is a charitable instinct on the part of this group whose general purpose is to make money. I guess we will have to see. Ms. Rountree, are your criteria for what constitutes a tribe the same as the Federal Government's criteria? Ms. Rountree. Yes, sir; they are. The Chairman. With regard to the Virginia groups, has your research provided evidence of an ongoing tribal government? Ms. Rountree. Yes; it has. The Chairman. There's no gaps? Ms. Rountree. Not since 1850 when the better records came about. The Chairman. There seems to be some difference of opinion between that view and that of Mr. Fleming. Ms. Rountree. I have tried communicating with Mr. Fleming and he does not readily answer letters and does not answer questions directly. I have offered to send him any or all documents that are relevant. He has not communicated to me what to send. That is why I sent him nothing. The Chairman. Mr. Fleming, I hope you will be in receipt of and take in consideration the documents that Dr. Rountree has. Will you do that? Mr. Fleming. Yes. The Chairman. Thank you very much. Chief Adkins, it is not your responsibility, but if we in the Congress were to grant recognition based in part on the destruction of records, what should we tell a group whose family histories were destroyed by fire? Mr. Adkins. I think what distinguishes us from those groups and what I would offer is that the State systematically worked to destroy us, and I call it paper genocide. If ours were simply destroyed by fire--and I do not trivialize that--it would be much easier to go back and fill in the gaps than it is to go through records that have been given the official seal of designating us in some class that we are not. That is the argument, sir, that I would give. The Chairman. I think that is an excellent point. Senator Dorgan. Senator Dorgan. Mr. Chairman, I had to go back to the Commerce Committee, so I missed a part of the presentation. I will review those that I missed and I want to thank the panel for being here. This is a hearing that is very important, and one in which we have a lot to learn. I think we have learned a lot today from the submissions of the statements, so thank you very much for being with us. The Chairman. Senator Allen. Senator Allen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Dr. Rountree, in your research--and you mentioned this--you paraphrased or summarized your testimony, but in your written testimony you talked about how much more difficult it was to hunt for the personal names and associations in the records because they didn't have the accurate racial labels, and that the law that was passed in 1924 insofar as records where you are either white or colored was the term that was used was repealed. What year was that repealed? Ms. Rountree. In 1975. Senator Allen. All right. So you have over 50 years, 51 years of records that way. Now, with all your research you have done, how does that affect you as a researcher trying to put together a record of a continuity, plus the names weren't the previous names because you couldn't use Indian names, as Chief Adkins mentioned, and his parents had to get married in the District of Columbia to be able to have a proper record. How does that affect the research and record? Ms. Rountree. It draws the research out quite a lot longer, for starters, because I have to try to find James Mooney's list of family heads, for instance, circa 1900, and work back from that using family names, rather than going the quick and dirty route and just looking for Indian references in the column under race. It took a great deal longer. I was working with names. It also means that for individuals that are not obviously connected by genealogy to some of those family heads but are still part of the tribes, I may be missing them. I could very well, unless somebody comes along and points out, ``Oh, yes, he was Indian, too.'' Senator Allen. What's the likelihood of something like that happening? Ms. Rountree. Once in a while it does, actually. Senator Allen. Once in a while. Ms. Rountree. The big holdup in the 20th century--and this is liable to drive me nuts. It will take the modern people getting more courage and sharing the information with me. I've constructed the genealogies from the public records. The modern people, especially the old-timers in the 1970's, were simply scared to death of talking about any of this with me. They didn't trust me, an outsider. Why should they trust an outsider? And anybody who got married outside of their home county I was likely to miss and not know some of those connections. I do not have complete genealogies on some of the tribes as a result, even now. They will be submitting their own, obviously, and they will know better. But I haven't got Steve's parents' dates. I didn't see it until his testimony when I read it last night to know when his parents were married. That is not in my records. They married elsewhere. I was having to go on local records. And in the case of the Eastern Chickahominy, none of them married locally, thanks to Plecker and his campaign, between 1923 and 1946. So I've missed a whole generation of people there in the public record. Senator Allen. To answer the Chairman's question which gets to his burden of proof of extenuating circumstances, the question he asked, when you are doing research, let's assume, say, during the War Between the States records are burned at a courthouse, what's the difference between records being destroyed in a county courthouse versus this racial designation, this eugenics movement of 51 years, versus, say, county records in Gloucester being burned? Ms. Rountree. It is a difference of degree. When a county courthouse is burned in the 19th century that takes everything out. You cannot replace it. There's no way I can get around some of these things. Family tradition will only take you back so far. I mean, these people are not coming from a culture that memorizes, as in traditional Hawaii, memorizing all their genealogy back 25 generations. So the records are gone and they just are gone. In the case of the things Plecker did, he changed racial designations to make people harder to find. He made them go elsewhere to do some of these public record things. The records are going to be elsewhere. Washington, DC and Philadelphia were favorite spots. It is possible to track down those people with extra time and trouble and retrieve that information. The information is harder to retrieve but it is retrievable. But when a courthouse burns completely you have lost it. It is gone. Senator Allen. Chief Adkins, we heard from Mr. O'Connor on some of these issues. On the gambling issue, it is your understanding, speaking for your tribe and others, that in the event that you all are Federally recognized, the only way that you conduct any sort of gambling--casinos, blackjack, slot machines, and all the others--would be if it was agreed to by the State government, the Governor of Virginia and laws passed by the General Assembly. Is that your understanding? Mr. Adkins. We have agreed to that. That is true. Senator Allen. I just wanted to make that part of the record. Mr. Fleming mentioned that, as well. Insofar as gas taxes, in the event on any tribal lands that you all had a convenience store and a filling station, gasoline, ethanol, whatever it may be that is sold there, would it be your view that you would be paying the road taxes, the gas taxes to any sales made to someone who is not a member of the tribe? Mr. Adkins. That is my view and in no way would we attempt tax evasion. Even in the tribal communities we perceive that as being illegal. I do not know how the larger community looks at that, but we are not inclined to break the law, so tax evasion is not within the scope of things we plan to do. And if we did engage in any kind of retail activity, you know, there would be negotiations and dialog between the government and the tribes. So we are not trying to circumvent the State laws. Senator Allen. Well, the chairman, Senator McCain, mentioned, and obviously where he is from in Arizona there are recognized tribes, Navajo, Pima, and others. Would you all envision such compacts or contracts or agreements with the Commonwealth of Virginia, whether it is gas taxes or tobacco taxes, taxes on beer or any other item that may be sold there? Mr. Adkins. We haven't looked that far ahead, but I think it is logical to assume that somewhere in our future we would engage in activities that we would have to negotiate with the State, but I think those laws clearly delineate that taxes must be collected from non-Natives. I have little knowledge of that because we haven't even looked at that. You know those things that we are interested in. Senator Allen. Understood. Thank you, Chief. Thank you, Mr. Chairman for allowing me to participate in this way on this important matter. The Chairman. We hope you will become a permanent member of this Committee, Senator Allen. Dr. Rountree, are you compensated by the Chickahominies for your work? Ms. Rountree. Nary a penny. The Chairman. Thank you very much. These are obviously, as I said in my opening statement, very difficult issues and hard to ascertain exactly the right way to go on them. I certainly understand the desire of people to see action, particularly when 6 and 10 years is a minimum some cases have been on the books, or going through the process for a long period of time. We will probably mark up both of these bills subject to the vote of the committee and see if we can't move the process forward. I understand the impatience of both tribes. I also understand the concerns of people like Rev. Willerup and people in the communities who are affected by gaming operations. It has become more and more controversial as gaming operations have grown rather dramatically. I understand that that is not an issue with your tribe, yet I think there are many people who would like to see that in the law, Senator Allen, because there have been cases where tribes have appeared before this committee and said, ``We will not engage in gaming,'' and then a few years later a new tribal council is elected, which is the right of the tribe, and then they have decided to change their policy. So I think if people of the Commonwealth of Virginia are concerned, maybe a compact or agreement such as you talk about and is envisioned might be helpful. I thank the witnesses. Thank you very much. This hearing is adjourned. [Whereupon, at 11:20 a.m., the committee was adjourned.] ======================================================================= A P P E N D I X ---------- Additional Material Submitted for the Record ======================================================================= Prepared Statement of Stephen R. Adkins, Chickahominy Indian Tribe Thank you Chairman McCain and other distinguished members of this committee for inviting me here today to speak on S. 480 which is pending before your committee. The bill, introduced by Senator George Allen is titled the Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act of 2005-S. 480. A hearing on our Federal recognition bill was held by this committee on October 9, 2002 [S. 2694] before Chairman Campbell. In addition, as you may remember I appeared before your committee last May and entered the testimony and evidence from the 2002 hearing into record. I am proud to appear again before the committee in this session of Congress for a more complete hearing on our legislation on behalf of the six tribes named in S. 480, the Eastern Chickahominy, the Monacan, the Nansemond, the Upper Mattaponi, the Rappahannock, and my tribe the Chickahominy. That evidence included a strong letter of support from our Governor, Mark Warner, testimony from the Virginia Council of Churches and our anthropologist and many others supporting our Federal recognition through Congress. As part of the record today I am submitting the letter from our current Governor, Timothy Kaine, who at his recent inaugural address pledged his strong support for the Federal recognition of the Virginia tribes. Beside me today is Dr. Helen Rountree, who is a renowned anthropologist specializing in the heritage of the Virginia tribes, who worked on the petitions we filed with the BIA, and is prepared to assist with any questions you may have about our history. Senator McCain, I could tell you the much publicized story of the 17th Century Virginia Indians, but you, like most Americans, know our first contact history. Well known is the story of Chief Powhatan and his daughter Pocahontas, her picture being in this very capitol building with her English husband John Rolfe. I often say this country is here today because of the kindness and hospitality of my forebears who helped the English Colonists at Jamestown gain a foothold in a strange and new environment. But what do you know or what does mainstream America know about what happened in those years between the 17th century and today. The fact that we were so prominent in early history and then so callously denied our Indian heritage is the story that most don't want to remember or recognize. I, and those chiefs here with me, stand on the shoulders of the Paspahegh led by Chief, Wowinchopunk whose wife was captured and taken to Jamestown Fort and ``run through'' with a sword, whose children were tossed overboard and then their brains were ``shot out'' as they floundered in the water, and whose few remaining tribal members sought refuge with a nearby tribe, possibly the Chickahominy. With this horrific action in August 1610, a whole Nation was annihilated. A Nation who befriended strangers, and, ultimately died at the hands of those same strangers. As we commemorate Jamestown 2007 and the birth of our Nation today, those of Indian heritage in Virginia are reminded of this history. We are seeking recognition through an act of Congress rather than the BIA because actions taken by the Commonwealth of Virginia during the 20th Century erased our history by altering key documents as part of a systematic plan to deny our existence. This State action separates us from the other tribes in this country that were protected from this blatant denial of Indian heritage and identity. It has now been well documented in an article written by Peter Hardin of the Richmond Times dispatch in 2000, the documentary genocide, the Virginia Indians suffered at the hands of Walter Ashby Plecker, a rabid separatist, who ruled over the Bureau of Vital Statistics in Virginia for 34 years, from 1912-46. Although socially unacceptable to kill Indians outright, Virginia Indians became fair game to Plecker as he led efforts to eradicate all references to Indians on Vital Records. A practice that was supported by the State's establishment when the eugenics movement was endorsed by leading State Universities and when the State's legislature enacted the Racial Integrity Act in 1924. A law that stayed in effect until 1967 and caused my parents to have to travel to Washington DC on February 20, 1935 in order to be married as Indians. This vile law forced all segments of the population to be registered at birth in one of two categories, white or colored. Our anthropologist says there is no other State that attacked Indian identity as directly as the laws passed during that period of time in Virginia. No other ethnic community's heritage was denied in this way. Our State, by law, declared there were no Indians in the State in 1924, and if you dared to say differently, you went to jail or worse. That law stayed in affect half of my life. I have been asked why I do not have a traditional Indian name. Quite simply my parents, as did many other native parents, weighed the risks and decided it was not worth the risk of going to jail. On that note, I would like to honor Senator Allen who as Governor sponsored legislation in 1997 that acknowledged this injustice. Unfortunately while this law allows those of the living generations to correct birth records, the law has not and cannot undo the damage done by Plecker and his associates to my ancestors records. We are seeking recognition through Congress because this history of racism, in very recent times, intimidated the tribal people in Virginia and prevented us from believing that we could fit into a petitioning process that would understand or reconcile this State action with our heritage. We feared the process would not be able to see beyond the corrupted documentation that was designed to deny our Indian heritage. Many of the elders in our community also feared, and for good reason, racial backlash if they tried. My father and his peers lived in the heart of the Plecker years and carried those scars to their graves. When I approached my father and his peers regarding our need for State or Federal recognition they pushed back very strongly. In unison they said. ``Let sleeping dogs lie and do not rock the boat''. Their fears of reprisal against those folks who had risked marrying in Virginia and whose birth records accurately reflected their identity outweighed their desire to openly pursue any form of recognition. Those fears were not unfounded because the threat of fines or jail time was very real to modem Virginia Indians. Senator McCain, the story I just recounted to you is very painful and I do not like to tell that story. Many of my people will not discuss what I have shared with you but I felt you needed to understand recent history opposite the romanticized, inaccurate accounts of 17th century history. Let me tell you how we got here today. The six tribes on this bill gained State recognition in the Commonwealth of Virginia between 1983- 89. In 1997 as I mentioned, Governor Allen passed the statute that acknowledged the State action but it couldn't fix the problem--the damage to our documented history had been done. Although there were meager attempts to gain Federal acknowledgment by some of the tribes in the mid-20th century, our current sovereignty movement began directly after the passage of Governor Allen's legislation acknowledging the attack on our heritage. In 1999 we came to Congress when we were advised by the Bureau of Acknowledgment and Research [BAR] now the Office of Federal Acknowledgment [OFA] that many of us would not live long enough to see our petition go through the administrative process. A prophecy that has come true. We have buried three of our chiefs since then. Given the realities of the OFA and the historical slights suffered by the Virginia Indian tribes for the last 400 years, the six tribes referenced in S. 480 feel that our situation clearly distinguishes us as candidates for Congressional Federal recognition. As Chief of my community, I have persevered in this process for one reason. I do not want my family or my community to let the legacy of Walter Plecker stand. I want the assistance of Congress to give the Indian Communities in Virginia, their freedom from a history that denied their Indian identity. Without acknowledgment of our identity, the harm of racism is the dominant history. I want my children and the next generation, to have their Indian Heritage honored and to move past what I experienced and my parents experienced. We, the leaders of the six Virginia tribes, are asking Congress to help us make history for the Indian people of Virginia, a history that honors our ancestors who were there at the beginning of this great country. I want to end with a quote credited to Chief Powhatan. I use this quote last year, but I want this year especially to honor him. Last summer I was one of two Chiefs to be hosted by the British Government; this was the first time a Virginia Indian had been honored since Pocahontas visited England with her English husband John Rolfe. I was moved that Pocahontas has been regarded with honor and distinction far beyond what America has afforded her father the paramount chief in this country. To date no chief in Virginia that lived in that era or since has received as much honor as Pocahontas. This quote, from Chief Powhatan to John Smith, maybe has been forgotten but ironically the message still has relevance today: I wish that your love to us might not be less than ours to you. Why should you take by force that which you can have from us by love? why should you destroy us who have provided you with food? What can you get by war? In such circumstances, my men must watch and if a twig should but break, all would cry out, ``Here comes Captain Smith.'' And so, in this miserable manner to end my miserable life. And, Captain Smith, this might soon be your fate too. I, therefore, exhort you to peaceable councils, and above all I insist that the guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness, be removed and sent away. Senator McCain, our bill would give us this peace that Chief Powhatan sought, it would honor the treaty our ancestors made with the early Colonists and the Crown, and at this time that we are commemorating the 400th anniversary of the birth of the greatest nation in the world it would show respect for our heritage and identity, that through jealously perhaps has never before been acknowledged. [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.001 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.002 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.003 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.004 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.005 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.006 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.007 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.008 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.009 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.010 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.011 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.012 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.013 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.014 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.015 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.016 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.017 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.018 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.019 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8348.020 Prepared Statement of R. Lee Fleming, Director, Office of Federal Acknowledgment, Department of the Interior Good morning, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. My name is Lee Fleming and I am the director for the Office of Federal Acknowledgment at the Department of the Interior. I am here today to provide the Administration's testimony on S. 437, the ``Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians of Michigan Referral Act'' and S. 480, the ``Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act of 2005.'' The acknowledgment of the continued existence of another sovereign is one of the most solemn and important responsibilities delegated to the Secretary of the Interior. Federal acknowledgment enables Indian tribes to participate in Federal programs and establishes a government-to-government relationship between the United States and the Indian tribe. Acknowledgment carries with it certain immunities and privileges, including exemptions from State and local jurisdictions and the ability of newly acknowledged Indian tribes to undertake certain economic opportunities. The Department recognizes that under the U.S. Constitution Indian Commerce Clause, Congress has the authority to recognize a ``distinctly Indian community'' as an Indian tribe. But along with that authority, it is important that all parties have the opportunity to review all the information available before recognition is granted. That is why the Department of the Interior supports a recognition process that requires groups go through the Federal acknowledgment process because it provides a deliberative uniform mechanism to review and consider groups seeking Indian tribal status. Legislation such as S. 437 and S. 480 would allow these groups to bypass this process--allowing them to avoid the scrutiny to which other groups have been subjected. While legislation in Congress can be a tool to accomplish this goal, a legislative solution should be used sparingly in cases where there is an overriding reason to bypass the process. Interior strongly supports all groups going through the Federal acknowledgement process under 25 CFR part 83. The Department believes that the Federal acknowledgment process set forth in 25 CFR part 83, ``Procedures for Establishing that an American Indian Group Exists as an Indian Tribe,'' allows for the uniform and rigorous review necessary to make an informed decision establishing this important government-to- government relationship. Before the development of these regulations, the Federal Government and the Department of the Interior made determinations as to which groups were Indian tribes when negotiating treaties and determining which groups could reorganize under the Indian Reorganization Act (25 U.S.C. 461). Ultimately, treaty rights litigation on the West coast, and land claims litigation on the East coast, highlighted the importance of these tribal status decisions. Thus, the Department, in 1978, recognized the need to end ad hoc decisionmaking and adopt uniform regulations for Federal acknowledgment. Under the Department's regulations, petitioning groups must demonstrate that they meet each of seven mandatory criteria. The petitioner must: (1) demonstrate that it has been identified as an American Indian entity on a substantially continuous basis since 1900; (2) show that a predominant portion of the petitioning group comprises a distinct community and has existed as a community from historical times until the present; (3) demonstrate that it has maintained political influence or authority over its members as an autonomous entity from historical times until the present; (4) provide a copy of the group's present governing document including its membership criteria; (5) demonstrate that its membership consists of individuals who descend from an historical Indian tribe or from historical Indian tribes that combined and functioned as a single autonomous political entity and provide a current membership list; (6) show that the membership of the petitioning group is composed principally of persons who are not members of any acknowledged North American Indian tribe; and (7) demonstrate that neither the petitioner nor its members are the subject of congressional legislation that has expressly terminated or forbidden the Federal relationship. A criterion shall be considered met if the available evidence establishes a reasonable likelihood of the validity of the facts relating to that criterion. A petitioner must satisfy all seven of the mandatory criteria in order for the Department to acknowledge the continued tribal existence of a group as an Indian tribe. Currently, the Department's workload of 19 groups seeking Federal acknowledgment consists of 10 petitions on ``Active Consideration'' and 9 petitions on the ``Ready, Waiting for Active Consideration'' lists. S. 437 The Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians [Petitioner #146] and another petitioning group, the Burt Lake Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, Inc. [Petitioner #101] both are affected by the timing of deadlines for the distribution of judgment funds under Public Law 105- 143, the Michigan Indian Land Claims Settlement Act [Settlement Act]. Both groups have applied for Federal acknowledgment under 25 CFR part 83. The Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians, which would receive recognition under S. 437, has not submitted a complete documented petition demonstrating its ability to meet all seven mandatory criteria. The group did submit partial documentation in December 2000 and received a technical assistance review letter from the Office of Federal Acknowledgment in January 2005. The purpose of the technical assistance review is to provide the group with opportunity to supplement its petition due to obvious deficiencies and significant omissions. As of last week, the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians submitted additional documentation in response to the technical assistance review letter. Under section 110 of the Settlement Act, if the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians or the Burt Lake Band of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, Inc. are acknowledged before December 15, 2006, each could receive a significant lump sum from the judgment fund, in excess of $4.4 million, provided that the group and its membership meet the other eligibility criteria set forth under the Settlement Act. If no new tribes are recognized before that date, the money is instead distributed per capita to the Indians on the descendant roll. The Secretary would have 90 days to segregate the funds and to deposit those funds into a separate account established in the group's name. Section 205 of S. 437 provides that: Notwithstanding section 110 of the Michigan Indian Land Claims Settlement Act (111 Stat. 2663), effective beginning on the date of enactment of this act, any funds set aside by the Secretary for use by the Tribe shall be made available to the tribe. Under S. 437 and the Settlement Act, funds are not set aside for the Grand River Band of Ottawa Indians until they are recognized. Although not clear, we interpret section 205 of S. 437 to mean that if the Grand River Band is acknowledged prior to December 15, 2006, any funds set aside for them under section 110 of the Settlement Act would not be subject to plans approved in accordance with the Settlement Act. We do not support section 205 because it takes away the membership's right to participate in the development of the use and distribution plan for the judgment funds. If S. 437 is enacted, we suggest that section 205 be amended as follows: Notwithstanding section 105 of the Michigan Indian Land Claims Settlement Act (111 Stat. 2663), the Grand River Band shall have 1 year from the date of its Federal recognition to submit a plan to the Secretary for the use and distribution of any funds it receives under section 110 of the Michigan Indian Land Claims Settlement Act. The Department also has concerns over the three different membership lists referenced in section 102 and section 202. It is unclear why three different lists would be required. In addition, S. 437 appears to be ambiguous concerning the nature and extent of jurisdiction, and possible conflicts with treaty rights of other federally recognized tribes. The Department would like to work with the committee in order to find an equitable solution to all parties connected to the Settlement Act. S. 480, the ``Thomasina E. Jordan Indian Tribes of Virginia Federal Recognition Act of 2005,'' provides Federal recognition as Indian tribes to six Virginia groups: The Chickahominy Indian Tribe, the Chickahominy Indian Tribe--Eastern Division, the Upper Mattaponi Tribe, the Rappahannock Tribe, Inc., the Monacan Indian Nation, and the Nansemond Indian Tribe. Under 25 CFR part 83, these six groups have submitted letters of intent and partial documentation to petition for Federal acknowledgment as Indian tribes. Some of these groups are awaiting technical assistance reviews under the Department's acknowledgment regulations. As stated above, the purpose of the technical assistance review is to provide the groups with opportunities to supplement their petitions due to obvious deficiencies and significant omissions. To date, none of these petitioning groups have submitted completed documented petitions demonstrating their ability to meet all seven mandatory criteria. The Federal acknowledgment regulations provide a uniform mechanism to review and consider groups seeking Indian tribal status. S. 480 and S. 437, however, allow these groups to bypass these standards--allowing them to avoid the scrutiny to which other groups have been subjected. We look forward to working with these groups and assisting them further as they continue under the Federal acknowledgment process. This concludes my prepared statement. I will be happy to answer any questions the committee may have. 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