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W. Swing: "War, Peace and Beyond"
SRSG William Swing - 08 may. 07 |
MONUC Chief William Swing held a
meeting at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies in Washington DC, on May 3
2007. “War, Peace and Beyond” is the title of his exposition where he explains
MONUC achievements and the challenges laying ahead not only for this mission but
for the whole UN peacekeeping operations.
“WAR, PEACE, AND BEYOND”
I. WAR
A. A New Era for Peace-keeping
At the end of the Cold War, it was common in diplomatic circles to ponder what
might most likely fill the ensuing vacuum. It didn’t take long, however, to find
the answer. Between the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and today, less than two
decades, there have been at least 111_armed conflicts. The vast majority of
these were internally driven by clashes over control of a State’s government or
territory. In central Africa alone, there have been 11 UN peacekeeping
operations in 7 countries since independence, 10 of these since 1990. These
conflicts together have cost between 1994 and 2004 in Angola, Burundi, Congo and
Rwanda an estimated six million deaths (four million of these in the Congo and
one million in Rwanda); countless wounded and HIV infected; more than 5.3
million IDPs; and more than 3.8 million refugees.
These figures do not reflect the incalculable economic and infrastructural
destruction of these wars. Since the demise of the Cold War, war or the prospect
of war on a global scale or between world powers, thus, has given way to a
period of smaller, regional, intra-state conflicts. These conflicts have
nonetheless been deadly, partly because of the proliferation of small arms as
the downsizing of many armies in the post cold war era resulted in small arms
surpluses which headed to the markets, in many cases with loose or no control.
That’s the bad news. There is some good news, however. First, the total number
of wars has declined by about 50 percent since the 1990s. Second, whereas from
1946 to 1990, twice as many conflicts ended through victory rather than through
negotiation, in contrast, between 1995 and today, negotiated settlements were 3
times as likely to end war as military victory. A recent International Peace
Academy study found that “more wars have ended than started since the mid-1980s,
reducing the numbers…..of armed conflicts in the world by roughly half .” It
notes that 70 percent of these were concluded through negotiation rather than
outright victory or defeat. The United Nations has been associated to the
resolution of many of the major conflicts.
B. New Skills and New Partners for a New Era
If there is a lesson to be learned from all of this, perhaps the most obvious is
that peacekeeping and nation-building skills must urgently be added to
traditional war-fighting skills. Certainly, in Haiti, where 21,000 US troops
invaded in 1994 in “Operation Restore Democracy” to restore the
legitimately-elected President, the US force suddenly had to undertake a range
of non-traditional military tasks, including reconstruction, public health and
rule of law, in addition to helping maintain public order. In the
recently-concluded national and provincial elections in the Congo – the largest
elections that the UN has ever assisted – MONUC troops, besides helping provide
electoral security, helped distribute electoral materials and undertake many
other “extra-curricular” activities in support of the electoral process.
It is essential that UN multi-lateral peace operations be undertaken in close
collaboration with regional and sub-regional organizations. This worked well in
Haiti, for example, whereby the UN furnished the peace-keeping force and the
Organization of American States (OAS) provided the human rights mission with
substantial UN financing. In the same vein, in the Congo, despite the heavy UN
investment in personnel, aircraft and financing, the process has remained a
quintessentially African process. Our two main regional partners, the African
Union and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and, of course,
South African President Mbeki, are major players in the process, a process which
is unthinkable without them.
In addition, on two occasions, at the United Nations’ request, the European
Union came to MONUC’s aid in emergencies: from June to September 2003 in Ituri
with “Operation Artemis”, a multi-lateral military force led by France to
stabilize the capital Bunia and give the Secretary-General the three months he
needed to assemble an Ituri brigade. Again, from July to December 2006, “EUFOR”,
a multi-lateral force led by Germany and France, helped MONUC to maintain
stability in Kinshasa, especially during the elections. This paradigm could be
replicated to give other current and future United Nations missions a temporary
surge capacity in emergencies.
As a general policy, the United Nations strongly favours more engagement by
regional organizations and actors, as the overall peacekeeping demand outstrips
the supply available from any single organization. While doing so, it is
important to keep in mind that there can be and often is significant difference
from one regional organization to another in terms of mandate, regional
coverage, finances, capacity and political acceptance by the parties to a
conflict. The United Nations, however, still remains the single organization
capable of mounting a multi-disciplinary response under the leadership of a
single “commander in theatre” – the SRSG – bringing together political,
military, electoral, human rights , humanitarian and other skills under a single
strategy in any part of the world.
C. Process becomes the Substance
There is perhaps a further lesson to be learned from the past 20 years, in which
negotiations have played a more dominant role; and that is that the process is
all-important. If the DRC is taken as an example, it can be argued that the
“process becomes the substance”. A credible, effective process is key to meeting
most, if not all, peace-keeping challenges. At least three or four elements are
essential to a successful process:
* an International Legal Framework (In the case of the Congo, this consists,
among others, in 5 major peace agreements and several other regional accords;
more than 35 UN Security Council Resolutions; and the International Great Lakes
Pact on Security, Stability, Peace and Development.);
* Implementing Mechanisms (MONUC, the International Committee to Accompany the
Transition – CIAT; the Tripartite Commission Plus; Joint Verification Commission
and Joint Verification Teams; the Eminent Persons Group; the Contact Group, et
al.); and
* Financial Resources Commensurate with the Mandate (with some $5 billion
invested in the Congolese Peace Process, MONUC is funded at $1 billion per
year.)
* Regional support: albeit intra-state, modern conflicts can and often do have
regional ramifications. Unsupportive neighbors can play a significant spoiling
role. Their commitment to the success of the peace process, on the other hand,
can be critical for its success, not least by denying re-supply routes and
safe-havens to warring factions, thus pushing them to abandon the military
option and sit on the negotiation table.
Yet, there’s also a final element – the most essential of all – the will of a
people to be free and to elect freely their leaders. It was true in South Africa
in the nineties. It is true today in the Congo.
D. Having a strategy and the required means to implement it
The successes and failures of peacekeeping operations have also taught us
several additional lessons: (1) do not go in unless you have the right strategy
(mandate), (2) do not go in unless you have the resources to implement this
strategy; and (3) one size does not fit all. In Somalia in 1991, the
international community moved with appropriate resources to keep the peace,
including the presence of well-equipped, trained and supported US-Army troops.
The mandate was ill-defined, however, leading to a failure which is known by the
public at large as “Black Hawk down”. This, together with the international
community’s failure to prevent genocide in Rwanda in 1994 seriously eroded
confidence in peacekeeping. In short, when moving in, it is critical to have
both the adequate strategy to “win the peace” and the means to implement it.
Finally, there is no “one-size fits all” strategy: each peacekeeping
intervention should be conceived in a way that takes into account the
specificities of the conflict, the nature and interest of the key national and
international players, and the state of regional relations.
II. PEACE
A. Peace-keeping: the United Nations’ Cardinal Role
The United Nations was founded in the aftermath of World War II “to save the
succeeding generations from the scourge of war” (United Nations Charter
Preamble). Established against a background of the deadliest war in modern
times, the United Nations has no more urgent or enduring mandate than that of
peacekeeping. And while, as we shall see in the latter part of my presentation,
peace is more than the absence of war, a stable peace is the foundation of
progress and development.
The study quoted and other recent analyses highlight “of the wars ended since
1988, the United Nations has exercised some peace-building role in half of
these, including several in Southern Africa and West Africa”. Further,
international “peace operations can help reduce a country’s risk of reversion to
war.”
As others have noted, peacekeeping is the most cost-effective means of
addressing chaos or reversion to chaos, and “the rise of international
peace-keeping deserves significant credit for the decline in civilian deaths
since the end of the Cold War.” Recent studies on peace-keeping in Haiti by Rand
and the GAO reach a similar conclusion independently.
In one of his first remarks on UN peace-keeping, Secretary-General Ban ki-Moon
observed that “no other multi-national actor deploys the same number of military
and civilian personnel. No bilateral partner engages in multiple field
operations of such scope and contingency.” Taking the Secretary-General’s
remarks further, I believe that it is statistically correct to say that (a) the
United Nations today is the world’s largest single repository of peace-keeping
experience and skill; (b) that the United Nations does peace-keeping more
economically than most. It is not surprising, therefore, that the United Nations
is currently managing 19 peacekeeping operations on four continents, comprising
more than 100,000 personnel drawn from more than 100 countries. More than 70,000
of these are uniformed personnel. Other than the United States, no single State
or organization has as many uniformed personnel deployed oversees on the ground
under its flag.
The number of such peace operations, some nineteen, is at an all-time high, with
more than 100,000 personnel in the field. In 2006 alone, the UN negotiated
memoranda of understanding with more than 100 troop contributing countries;
MONUC’s military force itself is composed of 52 nationalities and MONUC as a
whole has 116 nationalities; the UN transported 800,000 passengers, and 160,000
metric tons of cargo by air; and operated more than 200 hospitals and clinics.
There are other reasons that the United Nations has become the organization of
choice for peace-keeping. For example, some governments and organizations have
the requisite resources yet may not be perceived as impartial; while others with
an image of impartiality may lack the resources. As a Security Council
institution, a United Nations peacekeeping mission has both – resources, and an
image, reputation and record of impartiality.
B. Exponential Expansion of Peace-keeping
United Nations peace-keeping has entered a period of the greatest expansion
since it began formally in 1948. In addition to the nineteen peace-keeping
operations already operating globally, new missions are currently under active
consideration, including Somalia, Chad, and the Central African Republic. As a
result, the global budget for peace-keeping, which operates on assessed-funding,
has more than doubled in five years:
2001 -- $2.8 billion;
2007 -- $5.5 billion; and
2008 -- $7 to $8 billion.
To keep this in perspective, however, the total cost of UN peacekeeping since
1948 is still less than $60 billion. What price peace? Costly, by any standard.
The most expensive peace, however, is still a better bargain than the cheapest
war.
C. Chapter VII -- Aggressive Peace-keeping
By definition, to do peace-keeping, there has to be a peace to keep. Yet, even
where there is peace, that is, an end to the fighting, as one person put it so
well recently, “in the new international reality, peace is actively made, not
passively kept”. So today, there is a trend emerging toward more aggressive
peace-keeping whereby the Blue Helmets are authorized under Chapter VII of the
United Nations Charter “to use all necessary means” to fulfill some aspects of
their mandate. Blue Helmets are more likely to use lethal force today in keeping
the peace than in earlier decades when Missions were more passive, the classical
Chapter VI cease fire observation peacekeeping operations. Being combat-trained,
many peace-keepers may find peace-keeping rather frustrating, at least
initially. The new pro-active military operations in peace-keeping may help
dissipate some of their tension with regard to more traditional peace-keeping.
The outer edges of peacekeeping under Chapter VII mandates can entail
considerable risks and require troops with combat experience and capabilities.
At the same time, Chapter VII peacekeeping is different from war fighting and
requires doctrine, training, tools and techniques uniquely tailored accordingly.
The move from Chapter VI passive, towards Chapter VII robust and aggressive
peacekeeping is also a by-product of the end of the Cold War. Indeed, robust
international intervention in resolving a conflict is no longer as likely to be
vetoed in the Security Council by its permanent members. The resolution of
intra-state conflicts is no longer tributary to the preservation of a global
equilibrium – or a status quo – between two antagonistic superpowers.
Based on my own modest experience, the move towards robust and more aggressive
peacekeeping is a welcome development. Having served as Special Representative
in Western Sahara with a Chapter VI mandate and in the Congo, first with a
Chapter VI mandate and for the past three years with a Chapter VII mandate, I
have a decided preference for Chapter VII as a better means of achieving one’s
mandate. A more active, aggressive form of peace-keeping is achieving results in
the Congo where it has been partly driven by the very size of our force.
Although our 17,000 strong force is popularly touted as the largest UN
peace-keeping force, it is small relative to the size of the country and the
challenge – it constitutes the same size force as the UN had in Sierra Leone,
which is one twenty-fourth the size of the Congo. MONUC now has attack
helicopters and Special Forces; and regularly undertakes joint military
operations with the Congolese army (FARDC) against foreign armed elements such
as the ex-FAR and the Interahamwe. We at MONUC have pushed the Chapter VII
envelope further than perhaps any other mission but, in doing so, have always
striven to be prudent in order to avoid disproportionate use of force;
collateral death or damage; and to avoid increasing the number of
internally-displaced persons (IDPs).
Perhaps this current trend toward aggressive peace-keeping has contributed to
the phenomenon of an apparent division of labor between the Third World that
supplies the lion’s share of UN troops; and Western countries that supply the
bulk of the financing. The latter tend to send troops to places such as Kosovo
but not to Africa, except for the French to their former colonies. Contrary to
popular misperceptions, however, some UN missions are conducting combat
operations, with extremely capable forces from countries such as India and
Pakistan (which, unfortunately, have had considerable battle experience and
certainly more so recently than most western countries), amongst others,
equipped with heavy fire-power, and robust mandates and rules of engagement in
such places as the DRC and Haiti.
III. BEYOND WAR AND PEACE: THE REAL CHALLENGE
A. While peace is peace-keeping’s proximate objective,
peace-keeping is important for other reasons as well. Peace for what, we may
ask? One of our most important tasks is to assist with elections. The
Secretary-General’s Electoral Assistance Division is arguably the world’s
largest repository of cumulative electoral experience, management and hands-on
expertise.
The Congo is one of the most recent countries to hold democratic elections. It
did so against all odds. The Congolese elections are the largest elections that
the UN has supported: The largest country (the size of Western Europe); the
largest electorate (25 million); and the largest challenge (no roads; no I.D.
cards; no recent census; no multi-party elections in 40 years). In fact, the
United Nations has never undertaken anything quite on the scale of the Congolese
elections.
As democracy is a process and not merely an event, however, elections in
themselves will not insure democracy. Without elections, however, which are
events that punctuate the democratic process, a country is unlikely to become a
democracy.
A plethora of tasks lie before the Congo -- and before the UN and the
international community. A number of the tasks are left over from the
transition: establishing a capable, responsible army and civilian police force;
justice reform, including courts and prisons and generally helping establish the
rule of law; local elections; an end to impunity and corruption; and many, many
more issues to be tackled.
B. A “Sustainment Strategy”
A major global challenge to us all in the world community is to remain engaged
following successful elections in countries emerging from conflict. Our record
as international community in assisting “post-conflict” societies is better than
our performance in responding to the immediate requirements of “post-electoral”
societies. Ironically, the exponential increase in popular post-electoral
expectations too often confronts a countervailing donor tendency to reduce
support after successful elections. Since elections constitute the all-vital
bridge between peace-keeping and peace-building, continuity of support is vital.
The Congo is a case in point. The rather remarkable international alliance that
was built and maintained over the past eight years needs to continue, more than
ever. The Congo is a vast, potentially rich country that has no “lead nation” as
partner; and daunting challenges await the Congo -- a country in which
everything is broken but the human spirit. A country in which everything is a
legitimate priority, including SSR; humanitarian crisis; good governance; rule
of law; army, police, judicial reform, etc.
Looking back on my time as a diplomat, perhaps my greatest frustration is that
as diplomats, we are given issues to resolve that have only a long-term
solution, yet we are given short-term commitment and a one-year budget, often as
not un-renewable. For Government commitment to peace-keeping to be credible, it
would have to be more clearly reflected in budget requests for peace-keeping.
And to help our respective governments, we as diplomats would need to make a
more compelling case to our parliaments, governments and peoples as to why
precisely a certain policy or course of action is in their interest.
In most post-election situations, a “sustainment strategy” – not an exit
strategy – is required. For this to happen, a change in our own thinking must
occur. The UK’s 10-year commitment, e.g., to help Sierra Leone build a new army
reflects a realistic appreciation of the importance of remaining engaged if
peace is to become enduring. To insure that Member States’ original investments
in “post-conflict” societies achieve permanent positive results, further
investment will be needed.
During my four years as ambassador to Liberia, for example, the US provided
Liberia half billion dollars in aid; very shortly thereafter, however, this
commitment was scaled back. Similarly, as ambassador to Haiti, our aid program
to Haiti immediately following the return of President Aristide was $235 million
along with a heavy commitment in terms of US troops and political support;
gradually, however, within the next year or so, this engagement was drastically
reduced, and the results are now well known. In both cases, as well as more
recently in East Timor, the international community abandoned the terrain
prematurely; and, in each of these instances, peace-keepers had to return not
long thereafter, but each time with greater difficulty and at greater expense.
By contrast, the world community remained committed in Sierra Leone, as in
Liberia today, well after elections, and the positive results are quite evident.
The time has perhaps come to recognize that peace-keeping as a concept and a
practical matter is likely to be a permanent fixture in world affairs for some
considerable period of time; therefore, support for peace-keeping will require a
more sustaining quality than in recent years.
The postulate remains valid that there is no security without development just
as there is no development without security. The withdrawal of peacekeepers
should be calibrated with the acceleration of development assistance in order to
provide “peace dividends” and consolidate the peace. This requires, again,
longer-term commitments of the international community to a given process.
C. The Era of the “Big Mission”
None of this will be easy. Besides the global expansion of peace-keeping
operations, Member States will be confronted with the new phenomenon of the “big
mission”. And now, there are two: the Congo and the Sudan – either of which is
larger than all the other countries together in which the UN currently has
peace-keeping missions. These are continent-size countries with major
populations – the Congo with 60 million, and the Sudan with more than 40
million. The issue then becomes one of cost and sustainability. Member States
will increasingly be asked to support peace-keeping missions that have annual
budgets of $1 billion or more, that is, $3 million a day. It won’t be easy, but
it will increasingly be in our individual and corporate interest to find the
means to sustain peace operations in the interest of us all.
CONCLUSION
The Cold War’s demise has ushered in a new era of international activism in
which negotiations and peace-keeping are undergoing unprecedented expansion,
offering, for perhaps the first time on a global scale, an alternative to force
in the settlement of disputes.
To be successful, these peacekeeping operations require new skills, regional
partners, and more aggressive Chapter VII operations to protect civilian life. A
new approach by Governments is also currently required, one that recognizes
peace-keeping as a permanent global concern, both in budgetary and other terms.
Admittedly, at a time of exponential expansion of peacekeeping operations, the
budgetary implications of these requirements are significant, but not if
measured against the considerably greater loss on investment of abandoning
“post-electoral” societies prematurely. |
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Disarmament in full swing in DR Congo, UN mission reports
UN News - 04 may. 07 |
3 May 2007 –
Progress is being made in disarmament efforts in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC) as the notorious leader of one of the Central African country’s
largest militias announced that 500 more of his fighters will surrender their
weapons this week, the United Nations peacekeeping mission in the country said
today.
These fighters loyal to Peter Karim, who is the commander of the Front des
Nationalistes and Intégrationnistes (FNI), will also reintegrate into civilian
life, UN spokesperson Marie Okabe told reporters in New York.
In February, Mr. Karim ordered the surrender and disarmament of 170 of his
troops, including many children, while demanding amnesty.
“I want peace, as does the DRC Government,” he told the mission, known as MONUC,
in a rare interview in February.
However, he stated that neither he nor his senior deputies would surrender
without a definite official pardon. “If an amnesty was guaranteed for us, I
would be willing to surrender tomorrow.”
MONUC also stated that a joint UN-Congolese Army unit has verified that 320
people have been disarmed at a naval base in Mbandaka, the capital of Equateur
province in the west of the country.
Also in the province, an additional 50 soldiers and 130 former presidential
security officers have been registered for integration, the mission said.
In another development, MONUC is assisting those who have been displaced by
clashes between the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) and the Democratic Forces for
the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in North and South Kivu. Among other efforts,
MONUC is ensuring that humanitarian workers have safe access to provide relief
to those in need. |
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UN Must Continue Working Closely with Country and Republic
of Congo, Migiro Says - UN News 02 may.
07 |
After returning
from a weeklong visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Republic
of Congo, United Nations Deputy Secretary-General Asha-Rose Migiro said today
that the UN must continue its partnership with the two countries in helping them
meet the development challenges ahead.
Regarding the DRC, Ms. Migiro said that President Joseph Kabila told her in
their meeting that his Government is cognizant of the need to improve
governance, build infrastructure and provide social services.
The two also discussed how the DRC could meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs),
a set of eight targets aimed to slash social ills, including extreme poverty and
hunger, by 2015.
She said Mr. Kabila particularly voiced hope for the UN's assistance in
promoting the process of reintegration of former rebels.
The Republic of Congo, which is currently in the midst of preparing for
elections, is also rebuilding after civil war and is trying to consolidate
stability, Ms. Migiro noted.
In her discussions with Prime Minister Ifidoru Mvouba, they talked about the
relationship between the country and the UN system, as well as efforts made in
the areas of development and governance, she said.
In response to reporters' questions, the Deputy Secretary-General reiterated how
important the issue of development is to her and how she believes that UN
system-wide reform is "about making the United Nations deliver more efficiently,
deliver better, and also making good use of resources."
She added that she will also use her position to advocate other matters relating
to development, including gender equality and issues relating HIV and AIDS,
tuberculosis and malaria.
Asked whether the UN should take a stance against "the Gambian President's claim
he can cure AIDS himself and kicking out any kind of United Nations people who
suggest otherwise," Ms. Migiro said the UN Development Programme (UNDP) had made
clear "that there was no scientific proof that this could work."
She added that the incident was "not something which was very pleasant for the
United Nations, but, on the other hand, I don't think that there is a way that
one can force somebody's presence there." |
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UNHCR planning first Congolese refugee return from Zambia
- Eoin Young / MONUC 26 apr. 07 |
UNHCR in DR Congo is planning the first Congolese refugee return operation from
Zambia to Katanga province, starting in May 2007. According to UNHCR spokesman
Jens Hesemann, this will mark the start of a process in which up to 20,000
refugees could be repatriated to Katanga by the end of 2007.
61,000 Congolese are refugees in Zambian territory, with the majority living
there since the outbreak of war in the DRC in 1998. UNHCR are now in the
planning stages of the operation, which will receive logistical and technical
support from MONUC.
UNHCR has already coordinated with the DRC government, MONUC and other UN
agencies, as well as international and local NGO partners, and transit centres
are now being set up in Pweto and Moba to cater for the refugees.
“Here they will stay for one or two days, where they will await transport to
their villages of origin. They will also receive food rations and medical
assistance whilst in the centres, as well as basic household kits so that they
can start to rebuild their lives in the DRC,” explained Mr. Hesemann.
Once they are transported to their home areas, the refugees will also receive
some limited reintegration assistance, such as shelter construction kits. Mr.
Hesemann further explained that some aspects of the operation are still being
addressed.
“The tripartite commission of DRC, Zambia and UNHCR are working on the cross
border legal issues involved in such an operation. Once these are resolved, the
first movements will commence in May, using the same boats involved in the
earlier returnee operation from Tanzania, the Mwongozo and the Niemba,” he said.
Other aspects to be considered include the pressure that returnees will put on
these areas, where much of the local population live in extreme poverty.
“UNHCR is not a development agency, but we are doing a lot of monitoring and
advocacy so that other partners can engage. UNICEF will provide educational,
wells and sanitation support, and we are in discussion with the FAO (Food and
Agriculture organization), to provide seeds and tools to the returnees,” Mr.
Hesemann added.
This operation follows the first ever UNHCR led refugee returnee operation into
Katanga province from Tanzania two weeks ago, where 494 Congolese made their way
home across Lake Tanganika. |
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UN Deputy SG: 'President Kabila wishes to see the
cooperation grow between the DRC and the UN'
Eoin Young / MONUC 23 apr. 07 |
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UN Deputy Secretary
General Dr. Asha Rose Migiro met with DRC President Joseph Kabila and Prime
Minister Antoine Gizenga in Kinshasa this Monday 23 April 2007, as well as
National Assembly President Vital Kamerhe, as part of her three day visit to the
country.
In a press
statement after her morning meeting with President Kabila, she said that she was
in the DRC to ‘carry a special message from the Secretary General to the
President.’
“The DRC was able to hold free and fair elections in 40 years, and this major
achievement opens up the ground for peace, security, democratization, rule of
law and human rights, which are important components for sustainable
development,” she said.
During the one hour meeting, Dr. Migiro had an opportunity to exchange ideas
with President Kabila on the various challenges that are still facing the DRC.
The UN pledges our continued support and
solidarity with the government of the DRC
Dr. Migiro explained that President Kabila
understood the importance of continuing to ‘work together with the United
Nations and the international community in realising the goals of development,
the provision of basic services to the people of Congo, as well as dealing with
issues of security sector reform.’
She underlined that the UN ‘has pledged our continued support and solidarity
with the government of the DRC and the Congolese as well, and we will continue
the channels of cooperation and consultation to ensure that the goals of
development are met.’
“The President has assured us that he wishes to see the cooperation grow between
the DRC and the United Nations, and he welcomes United Nations activities here,
and that the government will be ready to continue to work with us,” she added.
“He assured me of his resolve to continue the democratization process in the
country and also to strengthen the various organs, including the parliament, so
that they can play the real role of representing the people,” Dr. Migiro
explained.
After her meeting with Prime Minister Antoine Gizenga, the Deputy Secretary
General said Mr.Gizenga ‘thanked the United Nations for its involvement in the
Congo right from the 60’s during the time of Patrice Lumumba up to now.’
“He has appreciated the role of the United Nations and he assured me that the
country would like to continue to work with us, and we have told him that the UN
is ready and on stand by to cooperate with the government and the Congolese
people in implementing its various development plans,” Dr. Migiro concluded.
Mr. Kabila assured me of his resolve to continue
the democratisation process
Deputy Secretary General Dr. Migiro is scheduled
to meet Fr. Apollinaire Malu Malu, head of the Independent Electoral Commission,
as well as Justice Minister Mr. Minsay Booka in Kinshasa on Tuesday April 24.
On Wednesday April 25, the Deputy Secretary General is due to spend the day in
Brazzaville meeting UNDP representatives, before departing from Kinshasa on
Wednesday night. |
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UN Deputy Secretary General to visit DRC
Eoin Young / MONUC 20 apr. 07 |
UN
Deputy Secretary General Dr. Asha-Rose Migiro will arrive in the DRC on 22 April
2007, for a three day visit to the country, where she will meet with President
Kabila and Prime Minister Gizenga, as well as other political personalities.
Dr. Migiro will be making her first visit to a UN mission since her appointment
by Secretary General Ban Ki Moon on 5 January 2007.
As well as meeting with president Kabila and Prime Minister Gizenga, Dr. Migiro
will meet with the President of the National Vital Kamerhe, as well as Fr.
Apollinaire Malu Malu, President of the Independent Electoral Commission.
She will also meet with MONUC personalities and staff on her visit here.
The Deputy Secretary General, who is from Tanzania, was a member of the
Tanzanian government and has much political experience. From 2006 to 2007 she
was Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, and held another
post as Community Development, Gender and Children’s Affairs minister.
As Foreign Minister, Dr. Migiro spearheaded Tanzania’s engagement in the pursuit
of peace security and development in the Great Lakes region. She served as chair
of the council of ministers’ meetings of the International conference of the
Great Lakes Region, a process that culminated in the Great Lakes pact on
Security Stability and Development.
Dr. Migiro’s visit follows the earlier DRC visit in January this year of UN
Secretary General Ban Ki Moon, and aims to reinforce the United Nations
engagement to the strengthening of the DRC democratic process, as well as
assisting the DRC government in its mammoth task- the reconstruction and
development of the country. |
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MONUC bolstering security in Kivu provinces
Web Unit / MONUC 18 apr. 07 |
At
the weekly MONUC press conference in Kinshasa on Wednesday 18 April 2007, MONUC
explained that it continues to assist the Congolese authorities in securing the
two Kivu provinces, as two main rebel groups- the FDLR and the Rasta -continue
to menace local populations.
In North Kivu, the FDLR carried out an ambush on the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC)
, three kilometers north of Mabenga on April 13, which led to the death of 8
FARDC troops, with 5 wounded.
After this incident, MONUC installed a Mobile Operating Base (MOB) on 17 April
at Kishero, north east of Goma. This base, which will remain indefinitely, will
permit joint actions with the FARDC in order to carry out security patrols in
the region.
“Due to the increase in exactions carried out by the FDLR in the province, 6
extra MOB’s will be deployed in order to increase the capacity of the troops in
the region and to assure the security of the local population,” explained MONUC
military spokesperson Major Gabriel de Brosses.
In South Kivu, 15 attacks have been carried out by the FDLR/Rasta since 8 April,
resulting in the displacement of 73 people, 64 of which were liberated thanks to
the combined actions of MONUC and the FARDC.
In the area of Walungu, also in south Kivu, humanitarian actors have prepared a
contingency plan in response to operations launched by the FARDC against the
Rasta rebel group. First reports indicate that 12 people died, of which three
were civilians.
Meanwhile, the reprisals committed by both sides in the region have led to the
development of a civilian protection strategy by MONUC’s Civil Affairs division,
in association with humanitarian actors and local civil society organsiations.
“The strategy has three key a points: the deployment of mobile bases, support to
civil society to organize monitoring committees, as well as communication
between MONUC, humanitarian organizations, the FARDC and the local population,”
explained MONUC spokesperson Kemal Saiki. |
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MONUC bolstering security in Kivu provinces
Web Unit / MONUC 18 apr. 07 |
At
the weekly MONUC press conference in Kinshasa on Wednesday 18 April 2007, MONUC
explained that it continues to assist the Congolese authorities in securing the
two Kivu provinces, as two main rebel groups- the FDLR and the Rasta -continue
to menace local populations.
In North Kivu, the FDLR carried out an ambush on the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC)
, three kilometers north of Mabenga on April 13, which led to the death of 8
FARDC troops, with 5 wounded.
After this incident, MONUC installed a Mobile Operating Base (MOB) on 17 April
at Kishero, north east of Goma. This base, which will remain indefinitely, will
permit joint actions with the FARDC in order to carry out security patrols in
the region.
“Due to the increase in exactions carried out by the FDLR in the province, 6
extra MOB’s will be deployed in order to increase the capacity of the troops in
the region and to assure the security of the local population,” explained MONUC
military spokesperson Major Gabriel de Brosses.
In South Kivu, 15 attacks have been carried out by the FDLR/Rasta since 8 April,
resulting in the displacement of 73 people, 64 of which were liberated thanks to
the combined actions of MONUC and the FARDC.
In the area of Walungu, also in south Kivu, humanitarian actors have prepared a
contingency plan in response to operations launched by the FARDC against the
Rasta rebel group. First reports indicate that 12 people died, of which three
were civilians.
Meanwhile, the reprisals committed by both sides in the region have led to the
development of a civilian protection strategy by MONUC’s Civil Affairs division,
in association with humanitarian actors and local civil society organsiations.
“The strategy has three key a points: the deployment of mobile bases, support to
civil society to organize monitoring committees, as well as communication
between MONUC, humanitarian organizations, the FARDC and the local population,”
explained MONUC spokesperson Kemal Saiki. |
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UN mission helps opposition figure leave DR Congo for
medical treatment -
UN News 12 apr. 07 |
11 April 2007
– The United Nations peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC) has helped former vice-president Jean-Pierre Bemba, whose guards
were involved in deadly fighting last month with the Congolese army, to leave
the country safely today for medical treatment.
The mission, known as MONUC, provided security for Mr. Bemba’s transport from
the South African embassy in the capital, Kinshasa, to the airport, UN
spokesperson Marie Okabe told reporters.
Mr. Bemba then took a flight to Portugal, where he is scheduled to receive
medical treatment for an old injury.
The MONUC move follows a request from Mr. Bemba and Congolese authorities after
he was granted permission to leave Kinshasa by the President of the Provisional
Office of the Senate.
Hundreds of people were killed during several days of clashes in and around the
Gombe district of Kinshasa last month between Government forces and Mr. Bemba’s
security detail.
Last year Mr. Bemba was defeated by Joseph Kabila in the run-off round of
landmark presidential elections in the DRC, which is rebuilding after the end of
a six-year civil war.
MONUC has been involved in discussions with Congolese authorities about the
handover of opposition forces, some of whom have taken refuge with the mission
in Kinshasa, to Government authorities for reintegration or disarmament. |
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EU heads express 'indignation' over Kinshasa violence
MONUC 27 mar. 07 |
|
At a
press conference in Kinshasa this Tuesday March 27 2007, the representatives of
the European Union countries to the DRC expressed their ‘indignation’ at the
recourse to the violent armed Kinshasa conflict of March 22 to 25 2007, ‘when
all routes to dialogue were not yet exhausted.’ German ambassador Karl Albrecht
Wokalek said the death toll ‘could reach 600.’
In a statement, they deplored the loss of life,
in particular that of civilians, as the Congolese Armed Forces - the FARDC -
took to the streets of Kinshasa against ex vice president J.P. Bemba’s guards in
the two day conflict that paralysed the DRC capital, causing much destruction
and loss of life.
Furthermore, the European Union (EU) heads ‘condemned the numerous cases of
looting and rape committed by troops from both camps’ during the conflict.
In the political sphere, the EU ambassadors stressed the importance for the
authorities to ‘ensure the existence of a democratic space, in order to
guarantee free expression to all political opinions.’
UK ambassador Andy Sparkes said that they were there to show their ‘solidarity
with the Congolese people,’ who had ‘suffered much’ from the conflict.
“There remains a war spirit in the country, which is a bit like malaria. We
thought we had healed the country with a big dose of quinine, with the holding
of free and transparent elections last year, but this war spirit has returned.”
There remains a war spirit in this country,
which is a bit like malaria
For the ‘well being of the Congolese people,’ he
stressed that it was necessary to eradicate this ‘war spirit’.
“I find this recourse to violence irresponsible, it shows that this war spirit
remains, and it needs to be replaced by a spirit of reconciliation and
inclusiveness. This is the only way forward for stability in the country.”
The ‘BIAC’ bank building on Kinshasa’s main boulevard, which houses the Greek
and Spanish embassies, as well as UNICEF offices, was directly hit by mortar and
light arms fire during the violence. The Italian ambassador's Kinshasa residence
was also looted.
On this subject, the ambassadors were forthright in their views.
Greek ambassador Ioannis Christofilis deplored what he termed was a ‘direct
attack which broke the Vienna convention’ on diplomatic relations.
“This was a direct attack, with heavy arms, not only on the Greek flag and
embassy, but the Spanish embassy, as well as UNICEF, who work here for your
(Congolese) children, and the BIAC bank, who are working here for the economic
development of this country.”
He added that the DRC government had expressed its regret, and has promised a
full enquiry into the events.
Mr. Christofilis went on to say that images of the attack on the Greek and
Spanish embassies were aired around the world, and had affected the image of the
DRC.
The real vicitms of this situation are the
congolese people
“I received more than 40 telephone calls from
Greek TV and radio stations. How do you now expect me to persuade donors and
investors to come here? The last victims of this situation are the Congolese
people.”
Spanish ambassador Jose Martinez added that it was ‘difficult to understand why
the BIAC bank building was targeted,’ but he said ‘it was clear that it was not
a random attack.’
Italian ambassador Leonardo Baroncelli said that the events were ‘regrettable’.
He explained that, in his absence, uniformed men broke into his residence by
force on the afternoon of Friday March 23, stealing some property and causing
minor damage.
“The issue is that this act constitutes a grave violation of the spirit of the
Vienna convention. Article 22 of the convention states that all diplomatic
premises shall be inviolable, and that the state is under a special duty to take
all appropriate steps to protect the premises of the mission against any
intrusion or damage, and to prevent any disturbance of the peace of the mission,
or the impairment of its dignity,” he said.
The democratic process is not dead, but is
seriously wounded
In the political sphere, the EU ambassadors
concluded by saying that ‘the democratic process is not dead, but is seriously
wounded’ by the latest Kinshasa violence.
“There needs to be a new spirit of reconciliation with a real engagement of the
authorities for democratic opposition, where the liberty of expression is
reaffirmed in the country. Violence needs to be denounced so that dialogue can
continue,” said UK ambassador Andy Sparkes. |
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MONUC Goma hospital catering for the local population
MONUC - 21 mar. 07 |
The
Indian Army Medical Core established the MONUC Level-III hospital in Goma in
January 2005 to cater for the medical requirements of UN military and civilian
personnel, and also the local population. After receiving all the
necessary equipment, the hospital went in to full operation on March 7, 2005.
The fifty bed hospital is equipped with two major operation theatres and an
intensive care unit comprised of four beds. It is second to the Level-IV
hospital in Pretoria for the MONUC mission and is equipped with state of art
modern equipment and facilities.
The hospital has the capability of providing specialized in-patient treatment,
surgery and extensive diagnostic services, and has the potential to respond to
high level of emergencies.
There are departments like accident & emergency, specialist consultants, a
dental clinic, radiology, ultrasound, physiotherapy etc. There is a monthly
average of 38 hospital admissions, 526 out patient department consultations,
1,321 clinical investigations, 122 dental cases, 8 major surgeries and 36 minor
surgeries.
These cases include patients referred from other sectors as well. The prevalent
diseases among the UN troops and local population are malaria, diarrheal
diseases, hepatitis, dermatological problems, respiratory diseases, viral fevers
and other injuries.
The standard and quality of the medical care and services provided by the
hospital is of a very high standard. Lt. Col. S.B. Joshi, director of the
hospital, said that the fourth contingent is about to be rotated in the month of
March. He also said that the hospital has tried to do something for the local
Congolese community by arranging training lectures to interested local doctors
and providing support to the Heal Africa hospital doctors when needed.
The director added that they were planning to launch a campaign in collaboration
with local medical authorities to sensitize population of the dangers of
HIV/AIDS, which is alarmingly high among the local population. |
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DR. Congo's president
vows to respect int'l commitments
Xinhua
-
28 feb. 07 - 08.32h
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The
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will respect its international commitments on
peace and security within the Great Lakes region and will continue to actively
seek to establish good faith and trust in its dealings with sub-regional
countries, President Joseph Kabila has promised during the parliamentary
conference of the Great Lakes.
"After holding elections and the establishing new institutions, it is my
country's ambition to consolidate the gains of our young democracy and continue
with peace building efforts which is an important prerequisite for the
reconstruction and development of the DRC as well as the whole of the
sub-region," the president told the opening session of the conference at the
People's Palace on Monday.
Kabila also said the government will shortly ask the two chambers of parliament
to ratify the security pact signed by heads of state of the Great Lakes region
on Dec. 15, 2006 in Nairobi, capital city of Kenya.
As to the insecurity which still remained a problem in eastern DRC, notably in
the districts of Ituri, North-Kivu and South-Kivu, the president explained that
measures had already been put in place with a view to finding a lasting solution
to the problem.
"A few years ago," the president said "the sub-region experienced serious
disturbances which brought about wars between several countries as well as armed
clashes between national armies and their respective rebels."
This situation caused an economic slowdown within the sub- region and a
stagnation of development activities in the affected countries.
"It is against this background that the international conference on peace,
security and development within the Great Lakes region is being held," Kabila
said. |
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MONUC
assisting in the training of FARDC troops in Ituri
Eoin Young / MONUC
27 feb. 07 - 11.00h
|
In a bid to enhance security in Ituri district, MONUC’s Ituri
brigade is actively involved in a pilot training programme for 675 members of
the 1st battalion of the 13th FARDC (DRC Armed Forces) Brigade at Rwampara, 13km
south-west of Bunia.
The programme, which is being spearheaded by MONUC’s Pakistani battalion,
commenced on December 18, with the aim of enhancing the post brassage* troops
tactical and operational capacities.
FARDC commanding officer Lieutenant Colonel Didier Vico explained the process.
“This is tactical training for the men with a lot of branches such as attack and
defence for example. The troops here are a mixture of combatants from different
backgrounds, who receive a broad range of training from military rules, civicism
and military history that conform to international standards.”
But he went on to say that the process was not without its problems.
“Our soldiers are capable and trained, and they are ready to get on the ground
and work for their country. But some troops are not motivated due to a lack of
bonuses, and there are logistical problems relating to rations, equipment and
materials.”
Many instructors and interpreters had deserted the programme from lack of
motivation because of poor working conditions.
One interpreter explained that of the original twenty four who commenced on
December 18, only seven remained.
“We have pay, rations, transport and accommodation problems, and it demands a
lot of sacrifice and energy in these conditions, but we are doing out of
patriotic spirit. We all remain hopeful that things will change,” he said.
Despite the problems, the FARDC troops in this pilot programme, displayed a
remarkably high level of determination, pride and commitment to their country,
and this bodes well for the future security of Ituri district in North-Eastern
DRC.
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*Brassage is the process whereby ex-combatants are retairned and reintegrated to
form part of the FARDC - the DRC Armed Forces. |
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INTERVENTION DE SON EXCELLENCE MONSIEUR
ILEKA ATOKI REPRESENTANT PERMANENT
DEVANT LE CONSEIL DE SECURITE:
SITUATION EN REPUBLIQUE DEMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO |
Monsieur le
Président,
Permettez-moi,
avant toutes choses, de vous dire toute ma satisfaction de vous voir
présider le Conseil de sécurité au cours de ce mois de janvier 2007 et vous
remercier d’avoir bien voulu convoquer cette importante réunion du conseil
de sécurité sur consacrée à la mise en oeuvre du mandat de la Force de
l’Union Européenne (EUFOR RD Congo) en République Démocratique du Congo.
Je voudrais
saisir cette occasion pour saluer la présence parmi nous de Monsieur Javier
SOLANA, Haut Représentant pour la politique étrangère et de la
sécurité commune de l’Union Européenne et exprimer toute mon appréciation
pour son exposé complet et exhaustif.
J’ai également
suivi avec beaucoup d’intérêt les contributions de l’Allemagne, au nom de
l’Union Européenne, du Département de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies
et celui des affaires politiques au débat sur le thème sous examen.
EUFOR RD Congo
fut la deuxième intervention militaire de l’Union Européenne dans mon pays.
En effet, l’opération Artémis de 2003, avec le déploiement de la Force
Multinationale Intérimaire d’Urgence avait en son temps réussi à stabiliser
la situation sécuritaire et humanitaire à BUNIA et permis l’application de
l’Accord Global et Inclusif sur la transition en République Démocratique du
Congo.
Comme l’ont si
bien souligné les orateurs qui m’ont précédé, l’EUFOR RD Congo a été une
force militaire autorisée par le Conseil de sécurité en vertu de sa
Résolution 1671 (2006) du 25 avril 2006 et mise en place par l’Union
Européenne, essentiellement pour soutenir le processus électoral, et ce, en
appui à la MONUC.
Nous pouvons
affirmer que le bilan de l’EUFOR RD Congo est largement positif. Les
élections ont effectivement eu lieu. Le peuple Congolais s’est exprimé en
toute liberté, il est allé voter massivement durant les Législatives et les
deux tours de la Présidentielle.
La période de
transition en République Démocratique du Congo s’est achevé par
l’investiture de S.E.M. JOSEPH KABILA KABANGE, Premier Président
Congolais élu au suffrage universel direct. Un Premier Ministre a été
désigné et il s’attelle à formation du futur Gouvernement. L’Assemblée
Nationale est en cours d’installation au moment où nous nous réunissons.
Les Assemblées des Provinces existantes sont déjà à pied d’oeuvre. Les
élections des Gouverneurs et des Sénateurs ont connu un léger retard , mais
seront effectives avant la fin de ce mois. D’autres élections sont
attendues plus tard dans l’année. L’architecture de la troisième République
se met donc lentement en place. En réussissant cette entreprise, les
Nations Unies et l’Union Européenne ont permis la création d’un espace
réellement démocratique dans mon pays.
L’action de
l’Union Européenne ne s’est pas limitée à EUFOR RD Congo. L’Union Européenne
intervient aussi dans le cadre de l’EUSEC et de l’EUPOL. En ce qui
concerne, par exemple, l’organisation et la tenue des élections, il est bon
de rappeler que l’Union est le principal soutien de la Commission Electorale
Indépendante. Il faut également avoir à l’esprit qu’à divers titres,
plusieurs Etats européens et Etats associés, assistent également la
République Démocratique du Congo sur le plan bilatéral, en étroite
coordination avec les Nations Unies et l’Union. Puissent ces pays et les
partenaires internationaux, continentaux et régionaux trouver ici
l’expression de la profonde gratitude du peuple Congolais.
Toutefois, la
mobilisation humaine, matérielle et financière consentie par les Nations
Unies et l’Union Européenne dans mon pays pourrait être annihilés tant qu’il
persistera dans la Région des Grands lacs des régimes dictatoriaux peu
respectueux des droits de l’Homme. Pour sa part, la République Démocratique
du Congo renouvelle solennellement son engagement à participer à
l’installation des conditions de paix et de sécurité pour son peuple et pour
les peuples des Etats voisins. La République Démocratique du Congo entend
jouer pleinement son rôle d’Etat central et pivot des stratégies
internationales visant la stabilisation de toute la Région des Grands Lacs,
en particulier, et de l’Afrique, en général.
Monsieur le
Président,
Avec la mise en
place des nouvelles institutions, le peuple Congolais compte sur l’appui
soutenu de la Communauté internationale pour la poursuite des politiques en
vue de la réconciliation nationale, le relèvement économique et social ainsi
que la reconstruction du pays.
Prochainement, le
futur Gouvernement Congolais entrera en discussion avec les Nations Unies en
ce qui concerne l’avenir de leur partenariat.
Dans l’ensemble,
je puis vous assurer que le Président de la République et le peuple Congolais
souhaitent que la communauté internationale poursuive son engagement en
République Démocratique du Congo.
La communauté
internationale devrait continuer, comme l’a si bien souligné le Haut
Représentant de l’Union Européenne et mes collègues africains du Conseil, à
fournir une assistance notamment dans la réforme de l’armée nationale et de la
police, la poursuite des programmes 2D-2R et 2D-3R, y compris ceux concernant
les enfants soldats, la reforme du secteur judiciaire, y compris les droits de
l’Homme, la bonne gouvernance et le développement afin de permettre à la
population congolaise de pouvoir concrètement bénéficier des dividendes de la
paix. Je suis encouragé et conforté par l’engagement renouvelé de l’Union
Européenne, à cet effet.
La communauté
internationale devrait également aider le pays de s’attaquer à ces facteurs
d’instabilité que sont les activités illégales d’exploitation des ressources
naturelles et autres formes de richesses de la République Démocratique du
Congo, ou encore la circulation illicite des armes dans la région.
Avant de
conclure, Monsieur le Président, je souhaiterais rendre un hommage
appuyé au personnel de l’EUFOR RD Congo pour son professionnalisme. Le
travail remarquable abattu a permis la sécurisation des élections. En faisant
preuve d’une totale impartialité, l’EUFOR RD Congo a permis également de
contribuer au retour de la paix, du calme et de la stabilité.
Les militaires de
l’EUFOR RD Congo sont rentrés chez eux, à la date prévue, avec la certitude
d’une mission accomplie.
Je voudrais
également reconnaître les Gouvernements de la République Gabonaise et de la
République soeur du Congo pour les dispositions qu’ils ont bien voulu prendre
pour faciliter les opérations de la Force de l’Union européenne.
Aujourd’hui le
Congo entre dans une nouvelle phase avec l’installation de nouvelles
Institutions républicaines démocratiquement élues. Pourtant les défis
demeurent et ils sont énormes. Il est important que le soutien de la
communauté internationale ne se relâchât point. Nous avons cette opportunité,
et je voudrais faire ici écho à Monsieur GUEHENNO, et ce devoir de ne
pas renouveler certaines erreurs du passé notamment par un retrait précipité,
mais plutôt de renforcer ce partenariat qui a su s’instaurer entre mon pays et
la Communauté internationale pour consolider l’élan pris en vue d’envisager
avec beaucoup plus de sérénité l’avènement d’un Congo réellement démocratique,
fer de lance de la renaissance africaine et où régnera plus de paix, de
sécurité, de justice et de prospérité
Je vous remercie
de votre attention
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| INTERVENTION DE SON EXCELLENCE
MONSIEUR ILEKA ATOKI AMBASSADEUR, REPRESENTANT PERMANENT AU DIALOGUE DE HAUT
NIVEAU SUR LES MIGRATIONS INTERNATIONALES ET LE DEVELOPPEMENT |
New York 15 septembre 2006
Madame la Présidente ;
Le Chef de la délégation de la République Démocratique du Congo aux travaux de
la 61eme session ordinaire aura l’occasion de vous présenter ses vives
félicitations pour votre brillante élection à la présidence de l’Assemblée
générale de notre Organisation.
Intervenant dans la perspective tracée par le Sommet mondial de 2005 et à la
suite de la récente Conférence ministérielle euro-africaine tenue à la mi-juillet
dernier à Rabat, ce Dialogue de haut niveau sur ‘’ LES MIGRATIONS
INTERNATIONALES ET LE DEVELOPPEMENT ‘’ souligne une fois encore que les Nations
sont impuissantes à agir seules et combien il est important de rechercher
ensemble les solutions aux problèmes majeurs ayant des implications
transnationales.
Aujourd’hui, il est important de noter que les migrations sont devenues un
problème global auquel il faut donc une approche globale intégrant plusieurs
aspects : - sécuritaires, économiques, culturels, financiers et législatifs, car
le phénomène de migration n’épargne aucun pays.
Mon pays ne peut dont que se féliciter de voir l’organisation des Nations Unies
établir de façon aussi claire cette équation ‘’ Migrations internationales –
Développement ’’.
Grand pays d’immigration en raison de ses potentialités de sol et de sous-sol,
la République Démocratique du Congo voit régulièrement ses zones minières être
envahies par des clandestins de toutes origines. Inversement, non seulement des
jeunes sans qualification quittent le pays pour des horizons plus prometteurs,
mais nous déplorons l’exode de plusieurs cerveaux. Des médecins, des ingénieurs,
des professeurs s’exilent volontairement pour aller ‘’ chercher la vie ‘’
ailleurs.
Face au tableau ainsi décrit l’on voit la complexité de la question des flux
migratoires. Mais une constance se dégage en termes d’enseignements :
Il y a une action d’éducation et de sensibilisation à mener pour arriver à fixer
chez eux certains candidats à l’émigration tant il est vrai que les désillusions
sont nombreuses dans la vie d’exil.
La lutte pour stopper le mouvement migratoire est vouée à l’échec si elle ne
s’accompagne pas de mesures tendant à mettre fin au dysfonctionnement du marché
de l’emploi, à créer des conditions de développement incitant notamment les
jeunes à se fixer chez eux.
Les migrations incontrôlées sont porteuses d’incidences négatives dans les pays
d’accueil dans la mesure où elles peuvent renforcer la délinquance et la
criminalité face à la précarité de vie des migrants clandestins butés aux
difficultés d’intégration sociale.
Les migrations sont un facteur de déstabilisation non seulement pour les pays de
destination ou de transit mais aussi pour les pays d’origine, en raison
notamment de la fuite des cerveaux qu’elles occasionnent.
Pour des pays comme les nôtres, les migrations s’alimentent fondamentalement de
la précarité. La misère, le chômage des jeunes diplômés, le sous-développement
et un besoin de sécurité matérielle constituent les ressorts de base
de.l’émigration.
Pour autant, en dehors des aspects négatifs, les migrations peuvent receler une
valeur ajoutée que nous aurions tort de ne pas exploiter. Il est évident par
exemple que pour certains pays d’accueil, l’apport de médecins, ingénieurs,
professeurs ou de toute autre main d’œuvre qualifiée issue de migrations permet
de régler bon nombre de problèmes. De même, l’envoi vers leurs pays d’origine de
fonds générés par les émigrés constitue une assistance non négligeable pour ces
pays.
On peut donc considérer ce fait économique comme un point positif des
migrations. Il convient de l’optimiser. Pour nous, dans le contexte de nos
rapports avec l’Occident, ‘’ Migrations et Développement ‘’ est une équation qui
souligne la nécessité d’une gestion collective et consensuelle de la question de
l’immigration, en harmonie avec l’impératif d’assurer un effort conséquent de
développement économique des pays d’origines avec le concours des pays de
destination et de transit, dans le respect des intérêts des uns et des autres.
Plus que les préoccupations sécuritaires visant la protection des frontières des
pays de destination, le remède durable aux migrations incontrôlées réside dans
la promotion du développement à l’intérieur des frontières des pays d’origine.
Nous devons investir dans le déploiement des projets de co-développement, la
promotion des ONG de développement, le soutien de petites entreprises afin
d’abstenir dès le départ les routes de l’immigration.
Le Gouvernement congolais se réjouit de participer à ce Dialogue de haut niveau
en vue de la recherche de solutions réalistes et durables au grand problème que
pose aux pays du monde le phénomène du flux migratoire, et spécialement de
l’immigration clandestine.
Il s’agit d’agir sur les causes et sur les facteurs catalyseurs de l’immigration.
Aux arguments basés sur la volonté de contraindre, lesquels n’arrêtent pas de
démontrer leurs limites, nous devons privilégier une démarche qui amène à
convaincre les migrants éventuels de rester chez eux.
C’est pourquoi, la République Démocratique du Congo soutient que la
stabilisation économique et politique de nos pays constitue une réponse
structurelle au phénomène des migrations au départ de l’Afrique.
Madame la Présidente ;
Il est essentiel que les États continuent à explorer les moyens de renforcer le
lien entre migrations et développement, afin que le potentiel de migrations bien
gérées puisse aboutir à la réalisation des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le
développement, notamment en améliorant le dialogue entre le Gouvernement, les
migrants et leurs familles.
C’est pourquoi ma délégation, tout en remerciant le Secrétaire général pour son
rapport et salue sa proposition l’établissement d’un Forum permanent sur les
questions de migrations internationales qui servirait de cadre, pour poursuivre
le débat, l’échange d’idées et d’expériences sur l'impact des migrations
internationales et qui permettrait aux gouvernements d’étudier des politiques
qui concernent, notamment son impact pour le développement.
La République Démocratique du Congo y adhère pleinement et se félicite de la
décision du Royaume de Belgique d’accepter d’accueillir la 1ere réunion du Forum
au cours de l’année prochaine à Bruxelles.
Je vous remercie !
|
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| Carter Center: Presidential and
legislatives results are credible |
| 01 sep. 06
| Carter Center
The Carter Center did not find evidence of widespread or
systematic manipulation. The Center concludes that the presidential results
announced August 20 are credible; legislative results, on the whole, are also
credible, but cannot be validated in detail because of the shortcomings outlined
in this statement, August 31, 2006.
There were a number of important procedural flaws that weakened the transparency
of the process. The Center believes these must be addressed prior to the second
round in order to avoid more serious problems and to ensure acceptance of the
results. The tabulation of provisional results for the July 30 presidential
election was generally successful, due to the diligence of electoral staff in
spite of difficult working conditions.
Serious flaws in the collection and chain of custody of electoral materials,
especially in Kinshasa but also in other locations around the country,
undermined transparency and threatened the credibility of the process. The
publication of results by polling station was a crucial measure in strengthening
public confidence. The recent violence in Kinshasa between armed troops loyal to
candidates Kabila and Bemba was a threat to democracy in the Democratic Republic
of Congo (DRC).
Serious efforts are needed by both camps, and by international actors, to
prevent further acts of violence and to create the conditions for a peaceful
second round, respectful of the will of the people. The Carter Center remains
committed to the DRC democratic process and will deploy observers throughout the
country for the second round of the presidential elections.
Introduction
The calm and orderly manner in which voting took place for the presidential and
legislative elections of July 30 throughout most of the DRC was a major
milestone for the democratic process and the Congolese people were quite rightly
proud of this achievement. High voter turnout was another indication of the
strong desire on the part of the population to finally choose its own leaders.
In the vast majority of cases, polling station staff took their responsibilities
very seriously and worked diligently, throughout the night and in difficult
conditions, to complete the counting process. The challenges were enormous and
the deadlines very tight for these first democratic elections, and everyone
involved in making them happen - the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI); the
United Nations (MONUC); the international community; and Congolese parties,
organizations, and individuals - can share in a genuine sense of accomplishment.
The purpose of this statement is to follow-up on our preliminary statement of
August 1, provide a brief assessment of the compilation process, and identify
issues that deserve urgent attention prior to the second round.
As of this writing, the Supreme Court is still reviewing appeals to the
provisional presidential results, and the legislative results have not yet been
completed. After the completion of the elections, the Carter Center will issue a
final report of detailed findings and suggestions to inform planning for future
elections.
Vote Tabulation
On the whole, the tabulation of provisional results was a success. It
was a very complex process, confronted by considerable logistical challenges,
but the posting of results by polling station has allowed all interested people
to confirm that their choice was faithfully transmitted.
While certain weaknesses in the training of election staff were apparent, the
diligence and sense of responsibility of many individuals ensured that the
process was carried through to a successful conclusion.
Carter Center observers reported in some areas that the tabulation of votes was
managed impeccably. Individual attempts at corruption during tabulation were
observed, as they were during polling day, but these were evidently not
widespread, and the CEI appears to have dealt with them quickly and
appropriately.
The most serious problems were the result of logistical and procedural failures.
The electoral law sets out a process whereby the voting center officials, under
security escort, should carry all their materials, including the tally sheets in
sealed envelopes, in an orderly fashion to the local tabulation centers
(referred to by their French acronym, CLCR) where these materials would be
formally received and accounted for.
This chain of custody of electoral materials is an essential guarantee against
any tampering with the results between the polling station and the CLCR and
constitutes an important measure of transparency, and hence reassurance, to the
population. In many places around the country, the collection of results fell
into disarray.
Voting center chiefs generally did not receive a security escort, and the
electoral materials, which lacked proper packaging, were very often not kept
intact, nor efficiently collected and accounted for upon arrival at the CLCR.
In many CLCR's, envelopes containing the tally sheets were either received
unsealed or were opened by the voting center chiefs upon arrival at the CLCR,
either to obtain information that was sealed inside or to redistribute the
contents between envelopes. In the face of popular anxieties regarding
manipulation, such disregard for essential procedures posed a considerable
vulnerability for the process.
This practice was far too common and, of particular concern, was often a result
of instructions by CLCR staff. It is troubling that even CLCR staff has not
understood the importance of respecting the integrity of the election materials.
Envelopes should only be opened by CLCR staff themselves, inside the controlled
environment of the CLCR, and in the presence of witnesses and observers.
Despite these potentially serious problems, the Center has not found any
evidence of large-scale or systematic tampering with the results and most of the
irregularities appear to stem from innocent attempts to cope with difficulties
as they arose. But the breakdown in these procedures, which are designed to
exclude the possibility of such tampering, makes it difficult to respond
properly to any allegations that manipulation may have occurred.
Difficulties in Kinshasa
In Kinshasa, the orderly collection and chain of custody of results
were entirely lacking. A poorly-conceived collection plan left voting center
officials waiting sometimes for days to be picked up with their election
materials, and ultimately led to the abandonment, careless handling, and, in
some cases, destruction of these materials.
The generalized chaos was exacerbated by bulk transport arrangements, that were
made without regard for the proper handling of materials, and by district
election offices (BL) and CLCR's that were not ready to receive the materials
efficiently.
The decision to use BLs as collection points, in the complete absence of
facilities or even personnel to handle the materials, turned these BL into
simple dumping grounds for materials and was a primary element in the breakdown
in the collection system.
Most troubling was the willful destruction of electoral materials by CEI
officials in at least two Kinshasa BL's, a violation for which there are
specific penalties in the election law. The Carter Center collected evidence of
a large fire involving burned ballots and other election materials at the N'Jili
BL and presented it to the president of the CEI, who, to his credit, responded
quickly and appropriately, immediately announcing measures to address the
situation.
The Center continues to await the final outcome of the investigation into this
incident, but the prompt action on the part of the CEI helped to defuse the
issue in public and to limit the damage done to the credibility of the CEI.
Nonetheless, the incident added to the list of questions and concerns regarding
the integrity of election materials.
Transparency Means Credibility
Part of the response to the results collection crisis in Kinshasa was a
public commitment by the CEI to publish results for every polling station across
the country. This data was presented very effectively on the CEI's Web site, and
posted at CLCR's around the country.
While it did not completely resolve questions about the rupture of the chain of
custody, it offered a good remedial measure through which the public, political
parties, and observers could assure themselves that what they had themselves
witnessed at the polling stations was faithfully conveyed in the final results.
Without this crucial step, it would have been impossible to defend the process
against claims of manipulation, whether founded or not, or to attest to the
credibility of the Kinshasa results. One immediate problem that remains is that
the mishandling, misplacement, and loss of ballot papers will make judicial
verification impossible for many polling stations, should the supreme court wish
to consult any of the original ballot papers.
But, perhaps even more seriously, the problems encountered during tabulation
only added a new layer to the considerable pre-existing obstacles to
transparency that were a result of missed deadlines and neglected procedures by
the CEI.
Unclear and last-minute changes to the number and location of polling stations
and to the official voter lists made it impossible for political parties and
observers to verify with confidence that all polling stations were in fact open
to scrutiny, or to disprove allegations of fictitious stations.
Unclear and last-minute decisions regarding the location of lists of omitted
voters ("listes des omis") were impossible to verify, and were unevenly
communicated and applied, a situation that potentially undermined the integrity
of important safeguards on voter eligibility. T
he extent of this problem is also difficult to verify, but it cannot be excluded
that this presented an opportunity for manipulation.Last-minute changes to the
criteria for voting by "derogation" made implementation and monitoring difficult
and inconsistent, and may have opened loopholes for potential ineligible voters.
Ineffective communication of procedural decisions made after the beginning of
training (despite CEI assurances that such communication was still feasible)
resulted in important decisions being applied unequally or not at all (raising
the possibility of manipulation, as neither staff nor observers could be sure of
correct procedures).
Despite the well-known controversy regarding the number of extra ballots
printed, important polling station procedures to inventory and account for all
ballot papers were not implemented (and ultimately made moot by severe problems
with material collection), suggesting a serious weakness in either the procedure
or the training.
Without the ability to verify, observers and party agents lose their principal
value in an electoral process - the capacity to provide reassurances to the
public and candidates that the process was credible and devoid of manipulation.
The fact that many of these problems can be related to the tremendous challenges
in administering these elections does not excuse treating them as a lesser
priority.
The Center cannot infer from such procedural weaknesses that there has been
manipulation, but neither can we prove that there has not. Only because the
presidential results are so clear-cut is the DRC spared a potentially heated
contestation of the results.
Such controversy may be more difficult to avoid or resolve in the case of close
legislative races and these safeguards must be strengthened in advance of what
is expected to be a tightly contested second round presidential election.
The majority of CLCR presidents were cooperative in allowing party witnesses and
observers to do their work properly. However there were several who failed to
understand the crucial role of such monitoring in validating the credibility of
their own functions.
Observers and witnesses must of course respect the staff of the CLCR's and not
act in a manner that might disrupt the compilation operation, but this should
not be used as a pretext to prevent observers from effectively performing their
work.
Towards a Climate of Respect
The Global and Inclusive Accord, the December 2005 constitutional
referendum, and the July 30 elections, represent important strides for the
democratic process in the DRC.
The violence in Kinshasa that broke out on August 20 between factions of the
Congolese armed forces loyal to President Joseph Kabila and Vice-President Jean
Pierre Bemba reminds us, however, that the electoral process can still be
threatened by those who have not committed themselves to respecting the will of
the people and refraining from the resort to violence.
The seeds of this violence, resulting in several dozen deaths, lie both in the
incomplete integration of combatant groups into a professional national armed
force and in the continuing lack of commitment on the part of all political
actors to respect the democratic electoral process as the source of political
legitimacy. The violent and divisive rhetoric of the campaign period was a
visible reminder of these underlying problems, and it contributed to heightening
tensions.
Unless urgent steps are taken at the highest political levels, both nationally
and internationally, to constrain the actions of armed factions, and to
strengthen the conditions for a peaceful and constructive campaign, held in a
climate of respect, then there is reason to fear that the run-off election may
once again spark serious violence.
The Carter Center acknowledges the important efforts of both MONUC and the
International Committee Accompanying the Transition (CIAT) in this direction,
and strongly urges the newly formed Joint Commission ("Commission Mixte") to
successfully fulfill its mandate.
As the two leading presidential candidates who will face each other in the
run-off, both Kabila and Bemba must respect the clear verdict of the people on
October 29, from which there will be no turning back, and support the democratic
process to its completion.
Overall Assessment and Recommendations
No elections are perfect and the DRC's July 30 elections clearly
represent a significant achievement. The important shortcomings observed by the
Center make it more difficult for the CEI, observers, and party witnesses to
prove that the election process was without significant flaw. As a result, the
electoral process remains vulnerable to allegations of manipulation and leaves
many questions that cannot be answered.
However, The Carter Center did not see evidence of systematic or widespread
attempts to manipulate the results. The results of the presidential election are
sufficiently clear-cut that the overall outcome could not realistically be
affected by any of the shortcomings we have cited.
While the Center also has general confidence that the published legislative
results faithfully reflect the will of Congolese voters, the procedural
weaknesses mentioned in this statement make it difficult to confirm specific
results, especially in constituencies with close races.
In preparation for the coming elections, The Carter Center believes that several
important remedies must be implemented (some of which, we are aware, are already
underway):
Duplicate voters should be removed from the voters' lists, not merely placed on
separate lists.
Special and omitted voters' lists should be eliminated based on the data
gathered during the first round. Final official lists of voters and polling
stations should be made public well in advance of election day. Clear decisions
should be made about those limited categories of people who can vote by
derogation and no exceptions should be made.
A written inventory of ballots papers received should be a mandatory part of
opening procedures in the polling stations. Procedures for determining a spoiled
ballot should be standardized (taking into account the advice of the supreme
court that if the voter's intent is clear the ballot should be counted). Tally
sheets should be simplified as much as possible.
Appropriate weatherproof protective packaging for electoral materials should be
provided to all voting centers, allowing for clear marking on the outside of
each package, and for the separation of the results envelopes from the rest of
the electoral materials.
A realistic plan for collection of results, particularly for Kinshasa, should be
designed, with provisions for voting officials to accompany and retain custody
of their material.
Sealed results must not be opened by anyone other than compilation center staff,
in the presence of party witnesses and observers.In the spirit of transparency,
election officials should be encouraged to explain each step of the process out
loud and make sure witnesses and observers are fully able to watch and
understand every step.
In order to be applied effectively, decisions regarding these or other new or
changed election procedures must be made far enough in advance to be integrated
into training of election officials.
Procedures for the payment and other working conditions of election workers must
be practical, effective, and communicated clearly and consistently to all
workers ahead of time. |
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Run-off between Kabila
and Bemba in presidential election
by Oscar Mercado /
MONUC
21 Aug. 06 - 11.32h
"Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba, the two candidates who
received the most amount of votes, are allowed to stand in the second round of
the presidential election, as soon as results are published and transmitted to
the Supreme Court of Justice", Malu Malu, the president of the Independent
Electoral Commission, proclaimed.
Veteran politician Antoine Gizenga, PALU (Lumumbist party)
leader, came third with 13.06% of the tally.
Nzanga Mobutu (4.77%), son of former dictator Mobutu Sese Seko,
and Oscar Kashala (3.46%), who has spent 20 years in the United States, came
respectively fourth and fifth.
Vice-president Azarias Ruberwa, RCD
leader, obtained 1.69% of the votes, and Arthur Zaidi N’Goma, another
vice-president in the race, collected 0.34 %.
Voter turn out for the July 30 election stood at
70.54% of registered voters, according
to Malu Malu, who announced results live on national Congolese TV.
These provisional results now have to be validated by the Supreme
Court of Justice, which deals with electoral challenges. Candidates have three
days from Monday to file challenges, which will be examined within 7 days by the
Court.
The Supreme Court of Justice
should announce final results by August 31. The second round will take place on
October 29, according to the calendar announced by the CEI.
The CEI is also to release from this week on the provisional
results of the legislative elections, held simultaneously on July 30.
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Louise Arbour visits Bunia
Carmine Camerini / MONUC
18 may. 07 |
UN
High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour was in Bunia on May 17 2007,
for a short visit with MONUC’s human rights director Fernando Castanon, in order
to meet with local human rights organizations and local civilian and military
justice authorities, as well as international NGO’s that are supporting the
rehabilitation of the justice system in Ituri.
The High Commissioner said that in the domain of justice, the success of every
initiative needs the partnership and cooperation of the government. She also
gave her impressions on the impact of justice reform. In effect, she sees the
risks of ‘a rehabilitation programme for the justice system that is very
bureaucratic with many administrative demands, because in the long term the
population will lose their faith in it.’
In other words, she believes that to better serve the population you need to
have measures that will have an impact in the short to medium term. With this
perspective, she suggested that one needs to develop other ways of resolving
conflicts peacefully, taking into account the cultural realities on the ground.
She also indicated that ‘the needs in relation to rights of criminals should not
overshadow the fundamental rights of the family,’ and that this is always in the
objective of preventing conflicts that might arise from deficiencies in the
system.
In relation to the grave human rights violations in the DRC from 1993 to 2003,
which are outside the remit of the International Criminal Court, Dr. Arbour
explained that ‘the truth needs to be defined on a credible table, based on the
recent historical events in the country.’ She added that this document will
serve as ‘a reference document to eliminate all revisionist theories.’
This initiative should also allow the payment of compensation to victims and
bring the perpetrators to justice. The objective is also to envisage the
exclusion of all public or administrative charges in relation to those held
responsible. The project, with a six to eight month duration, is envisaged to
have an impact in the short to medium term. Furthermore, Dr. Arbour affirmed the
support of UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon and DRC President Joesph Kabila.
Finally Dr. Arbour reiterated her strong determination in the fight on violence
against women. She also assured her audience that ‘this preoccupation will be at
the centre of my next intervention in front of the UN Security Council.’
More generally, when one speaks of human rights violations the first concern is
the support for victims. In the long term Dr. Arbour suggested the putting in
place of initiatives targeted at dissuasion, and to advance it as a priority, as
well as the affirmation of criminal responsibility. |
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Ituri: The process of militias
disarmament is making important progress
by Carmine Camerini / MONUC - 04 may. 07 |
288 former militiamen of the Ituri armed groups (FNI, MRC, FRPI) have been
transferred from the Rwampara pre-brassage training center (12 south km of Bunia)
to Lukusa brassage* center in Kisangani on May 2 2007 . With the 453 previously
transported on Friday April 27, it makes a total of 741 ex militias. This is a
major step in the progress towards disarmament and pacification process in Ituri.
This progress confirms the political will of the DRC Government to handle the
disarmament process after the donors declared their unavailability to sustain a
disarmament process that is disrespectful to "one man/one weapon" criteria. In
addition, through these operations the Government manifests its determination to
opt for the “brassage” instead of the “mixage” process.
Furthermore, officers of the former militia groups have been transported to
Kinshasa for a military training adequate to the rank acquired henceforth within
the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC).
However, in spite of this progress, some problems remain and some others most
likely will intensify, namely:
The Government must insure that the process is complete and accompanied by a
consistent strategy of reinsertion; and that the process of disarmament can go
ahead so as to integrate all the militiamen who are still in the bush.
Moreover, the management and the control of the newly integrated soldiers are
still not an easy task. The question also arises in light of the Bavi massacre
(30 km south of Bunia), where between August and November 2006 forty civilians
were slaughtered and buried in three different graves by FARDC soldiers of the
1st integrated Brigade. Also in relation to this fact, a mission of assessment
of the Belgian army was then in Bunia to evaluate the integration level of the
FARDC and to set up a series of training for next July.
Thus, thanks to the Congolese military and civilian authorities and with the
support of MONUC, the process of pacification in Ituri is getting new dynamism.
In fact, Colonel Peter Karim declared his availability to disarm another group
of around 500 FNI militiamen. The expected time is for this Saturday 5 in Doi,
35 km of Kwamdroma. Once disarmed this last group of FNI should join the Bunia
pre-brassage center before going to Kisangani.
It will remain to pursue the disarmament and the demobilization of the other two
armed groups, FRPI and MRC, currently reticent to join the process. |
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Deputy SG: 'All parties agree that
there cannot be any alternative to dialogue and reconciliation'
Eoin Young / MONUC 24 apr. 07 |
After her meeting with the National Assembly deputies and its president Vital
Kamerhe on 23 April 2007, Deputy Secretary General Dr. Asha Rose Migiro said
that it gave her a 'great feeling of joy and victory.'
Dr. Migiro told the press that ‘as an African at the top level of UN leadership,
I thought I should come here and see these gains for myself, and one of the big
gains is this august Assembly and the members of parliament that you see with me
here.’
“As a Deputy Secretary General and as an African daughter I feel very proud. I
carry with me a strong feeling of triumph, having seen the efforts of the
National Assembly and its president in promoting reconciliation and dialogue in
a bid for unity and to strengthen democracy in the DRC. That gives me a great
feeling, a feeling of joy, a feeling of victory,” she explained.
After a subsequent meeting with the Minster of Foreign Affairs and International
Cooperation, the Deputy Secretary General said all those she had talked to were
‘proud that the DRC elections were held in a free and fair manner.’
She said that the recent March violence in Kinshasa, although regrettable, is
‘something that can still be an incentive for the country to consolidate the
peace dividends and to put in place mechanisms and institutions that will ensure
that human rights thrive, and that democracy continues.’
This, Dr. Migiro said, ‘will enable the Congolese people to sit down and to pick
up the challenges, and put in place programmes to ensure that they overcome the
immense social and economic problems that the country is facing.’
She added that all parties she had spoken to ‘agree that there cannot be any
alternative to dialogue and reconciliation.’
“This has emerged very clearly, particularly in my discussions with the
president of the National Assembly, members of parliament of the opposition and
the majority. This is a great encouragement to the United Nations, given the
fact that the United Nations is one of the interlocutors who has invested
heavily in the DRC in terms of the democratic process and development agenda.”
Finally, the Deputy Secretary General said that the UN can give a guarantee of
its ‘engaged presence in the DRC, and a readiness to continue to work with the
Congolese people and its government.’
Another guarantee, she said, was that the Congolese themselves have demonstrated
that ‘they want the path of democracy and peace’, by voting peacefully in last
years elections.
“They have shown that they want to take the path of stability and peace and
there cannot be a better guarantee than the will of the Congolese people and the
political will of its leadership be it from the opposition or from the
majority,” Dr. Migiro concluded.
Today, Dr. Migiro will meet with the head of the Independent Electoral
Commission, Fr. Apollinaire Malu Malu, and will address MONUC staff at a town
hall meeting in the afternoon. |
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'Security sector reform is
absolutely necessary for the stability of the DRC' Oscar
Mercado / MONUC 19 apr. 07 |
Ambassador Edward Craanen, Dutch Special Envoy for the Great Lakes region,
visited Kinshasa for two days to assess the current political situation, and the
reform of the DRC security sector, of which the Netherlands is a major partner.
Interview
Ambassador could you tell us the purpose of your visit here?
The purpose of my visit here is that the new Dutch minister for development
cooperation asked me to go to Kinshasa, basically for two reasons. The first
message is that we are somewhat concerned about the recent developments in
Kinshasa on the political front. The second message is that we want to continue
to work closely together with the Congolese authorities particularly in the
reform of the security sector.
What’s your impression of the current political situation in the country
after the transitional period?
We think that this country has made a lot of progress. We consider these lastest
developments as very unfortunate and we hope, because it is extremely important,
that there is space for the opposition.
Democracy means that you should respect the opposition, so we hope very much
that the deepening of the democratic process will continue, and as I said we the
Netherlands are willing to accompany the Congolese authorities in that process.
Regarding security sector reform, the Netherlands is one of the most
important contributors. Are you going to continue in this regard?
Yes, we have said that we would very much like to know what concretely will the
security sector reform consist of. It is sensitive and very complicated, but it
is extremely urgent, because we think that security sector reform is absolutely
necessary for the stability of this country.
I met with in the Ministry of Defence, and I will also meet other authorities,
such as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and I will make it clear that we are
ready to continue to financially support this process. But they should come up
with projects and we haven’t seen them yet. Military justice is also very
important, there is a lot to do, and we are willing to cooperate in this field.
There is a meeting in Bujumbura to improve the cooperation between the
Great Lakes countries. As a special representative for the Great Lakes, what’s
your impression on this?
We are chairing the Group of Friends of the Great Lakes conference, so I have
followed it very closely. I was in Nairobi where all the presidents signed the
pact on security. In the first week of May we will be in Bujumbura to inaugurate
the secretariat of the Great Lakes Conference, with the Tanzanian ambassador as
chairman.
As chairman of the Group of Friends, we have said that we will support not only
that secretariat, but the pact that has been signed. This should be ratified,
and the instruments of the pact, the obligations that the states have
undertaken, should be implanted.
The pact consists not just of economic cooperation, as they now have a
mandate to take offensive action against rebel groups in the territories
concerned. What’s your impression on this?
In the pact it states that where the territory of one state is used against
another in acts of aggression by these groups, it is absolutely necessary that
the states should talk and resolve their conflicts peacefully. This region has
been the victim of tremendous violence, and it should end.
When are you coming back to DRC?
The minister asked me to bring these two messages here to the Congolese
authorities, and also to prepare his visit. Our new minister is very interested
in this country, and I think he will visit Kinshasa in the very near future.
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MACC: After the Kinshasa conflict,
we have found over 20 items of unexploded ordnance -
MONUC - 29 mar. 07 |
After the two day Kinshasa conflict of March 22 to 24 2007, there are
some unexploded ordnance (UXO) in the city. The Mine Action Coordination Centre
(MACC) appeals to the people of Kinshasa not to ‘touch any object they find’. We
spoke to MACC director Harouna Ouedrago who explained the risks of UXO, as well
as the objectives of their work.
Interview
How do you evaluate the situation concerning unexploded ordnance (UXO)
in Kinshasa?
The information that we have concerns the district of Gombe in the centre of
Kinshasa.
We are in the process of continuing evaluations, and we have found over 24
unexploded ordnance, some were lost in the air, others were found in houses.
We have already destroyed three UXO’s on site in the last few days, and we will
do the same with the rest. But it is evident that not all unexploded ordnance
are to be found in Gombe or its surrounding areas.
Essentially we are working with MONUC military to evaluate the situation
regarding unexploded ordnance. We are looking at where these might be located,
especially those found outside, that would not need special techniques to be
disposed of.
In relation to those found in residential areas, special techniques and
equipment are needed for their disposal, and we will be calling on specialists
in mine disposal, who will be contracted by MONUC.
What are the achievements of MACC so far?
Following a UN Security Council Resolution, MACC was put in place to begin the
fight against anti personnel mines in the DRC. We have also put in place a
mechanism for coordinating this fight with national and international partners,
who have been working here since 2005.
We have succeeded in clearing three million square metres of territory in
different zones, and we have destroyed close to three million anti personnel
mines. These are essentially mines found in the ground, but also mines recovered
from combatants.
In relation to abandoned stocks left by different factions, we have destroyed
thousands of UXO’s. But one of the successes that needs to be underlined is the
national training undertaken with national NGO’s.
This has allowed us to practically double the numbers of people that have been
sensitised, and since the start of our work with national NGO’s, 180,000 people
have been sensitized.
What is the difference between unexploded ordnance and anti personnel
mines?
Technically speaking there is a big difference. Unexploded ordnance are
munitions that were fired, such as grenades and mortars, but which did not
explode on impact. In contrast anti-personnel mines are not fired, but are put
in place manually by troops, which are then detonated by people who walk on
them.
In relation to the destruction that both can cause, there is not much difference
because all can cause great harm to individuals.
Mines explode when a person walks on them, and they could lose a foot, a leg or
an arm. In contrast, the mortar and grenade shells can be even more dangerous,
as when detonated they could kill an entire family.
There are people who have collected shells and who have returned home to show
them to their family, and the result has been that the whole family has been
killed, adults and children.
How does MONUC contribute to the realisation of the objectives of MACC?
There is a United Nations resolution that demands of the installation of a
centre for the fight against mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and this
centre has been installed with the help of MONUC logistics.
As well as equipment for the centre, MONUC contributes to the budget for the
contracting of companies that are working to rid the country of mines. MONUC
also helps NGO’s to transport the workers to the sites on the ground where mines
are located.
Equally MONUC works through it’s Quick Impact Projects (QIPs), where it finances
the fight against mines. For example, MONUC financed the Kambe Lembe Lembe
Orthopedic centre, which was close to shutting down because of lack of funds.
What zones are most affected by mines in the DRC?
When speaking of the zones where the RCD and the government troops were mainly
opposed during the war, I think of Katanga, Maniema and the two Kivu provinces.
Equally, when speaking of the foreign troops who were opposing each other, I
look at the region of Kisangani in Orientale province, where there were Rwandese
troops opposing Ugandans.
Finally when speaking of the MLC troops who were opposing the government troops,
I think especially of Equateur province.
What are the challenges facing MACC?
The challenges are enormous. Over the whole territory, there is a lack of
infrastructure with no roads, and little affordable air transport. These factors
make mine clearing operations very complex and expensive.
Another challenge is how can we encourage the new Congolese government to take
charge of the fight against anti personnel mines because in all the
international accords, it is stipulated that the affected countries are
primarily responsible for this.
Taking into account the political situation in the DRC, and that the
transitional government did not really have the power to make these decisions,
it was not possible to put in place the structures to confront this problem.
Therefore, MACC must assist in the forming of a national capacity which will
take the lead. MACC needs to take the initiatives that will permit us to
transfer the management of the ‘fight against mines’ programme to the Congolese
government.
I must also speak about the budgetary challenges that we have. As the DRC is not
as badly affected by the mine problem as Angola or Mozambique, it is left to us
to convince the donor countries of the importance of this problem.
For the moment, we have lots of difficulties in
finding the necessary financing, moreover as the fight against anti personnel
mines is very expensive. |
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Government, Opposition in DR Congo
Must Shoulder Their Democratic Duty -
UN News - 28 mar. 07 |
Mar 27, 2007 (UN
News Service/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) --United Nations
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has called on both the Government and opposition
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to shoulder their responsibilities
to democracy to ensure a full transition to peace after last year's historic
elections intended to set the seal on decades of civil war and factional
fighting.
Mr. Ban's appeal, in his latest report to the Security Council, was prepared
before two days of clashes in Kinshasa, the capital, between Government forces
and the security detail of opposition leaser and former Vice-President
Jean-Pierre Bemba, but it gained added weight from the violence which killed
nearly 100 people and wounded 111 others, mostly soldiers, before subsiding. UN
peacekeepers are still patrolling the city.
"I strongly urge the political leaders in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
to respect the principles of transparency, inclusiveness and tolerance of
dissent," Mr. Ban writes in the report, calling for an extension till 31
December, of the UN Mission in the DRC, known by its French acronym MONUC, with
a military and police strength of nearly 18,000.
"At the same time, opposition parties should adhere to those same democratic
norms, voicing their views responsibly and without resort to violence. Failure
to adhere to these democratic principles would seriously undermine the
credibility and ultimate legitimacy of the country's political leaders and
institutions," he says.
The recent clashes were the deadliest in Kinshasa since President Joseph Kabila
beat Mr. Bemba in last year's elections, which were the DRC's first in over four
decades, the largest and most complex the UN has ever helped organize, and the
culmination of a transition from a six-year civil war that cost 4 million lives
in fighting and attendant hunger and disease, widely considered the most lethal
conflict in the world since World War II.
Mr. Ban highlights the significance of the vote as an "historic turning point,"
but stresses the dangers posed by armed groups in the East of the vast country
will remain a core element of the MONUC mandate.
"The Government should urgently develop a coherent plan for achieving security
in the East, including through the completion of disarmament, demobilization and
reintegration, which should be accompanied by efforts to promote national
reconciliation, recovery and development in the region," he writes.
He underscores the overall need for progress in security sector reform as "key
to the restoration and consolidation of peace" in the DRC and to the exit
strategy for MONUC, which depends on the achievement of benchmarks in key areas,
including in the political sphere, over which Mr. Ban voices concern.
"I am concerned at the alleged widespread electoral corruption believed to have
influenced the results in several gubernatorial contests," he notes.
"Furthermore, the narrowing of the political space for an effective political
opposition, including the exclusion of opposition members from the Bureau of the
National Assembly, as well as the incitement to violence by some members of
opposition parties, represent troubling tendencies that, if not reversed,
threaten the nascent democracy of the Democratic Republic of the Congo," he
says.
The Security Council was today briefed on the latest violence in Kinshasa, where
the violence has stopped but the situation remains tense. "MONUC and the Council
are following the matter closely," said Ambassador Dumisani S. Kumalo of South
Africa, which holds the rotating presidency this month.
In the city MONUC supplied food, water and medicine to some 1,300 people in
areas close to fighting and evacuated nearly 1,100 including 16 wounded, among
them the Nigerian ambassador, who was wounded in the legs. Seventeen unexploded
shells and rockets are currently being neutralized. |
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W.Swing: We are in the process of
putting another plan in place for Ituri - MONUC 22 mar. 07
|
Following his visit to the
Bandundu Provincial Assembly on March 21 2007, UN Special Representative to the
Secretary General in the DRC William Swing gave a press conference in MONUC's
Bandundu offices, where he spoke on the main issues facing the country.
In front of the Provincial Assembly, Mr. Swing hailed the engagement of the
Bandundu people for the cause of liberty and democracy.
“By your positive and patriotic acts, the DRC has held successful and peaceful
elections, and the frontiers of peace and democracy have been extended,” he
said.
Nevertheless, Mr. Swing added that the task ahead was hazardous, the road long
and the goal elusive.
“It is my prayer and conviction that with the same commitment and dedication,
the DRC, and Bandundu province in particular, will continue to make steady
progress in the consolidation of peace, the restoration of security and of state
authority throughout the whole national territory.”
At the press conference, Mr. Swing responded to questions from local
journalists. On the subject of the instability in the east, Mr. Swing spoke of
the enduring problems in Ituri district and in the Kivu provinces.
“With the Congolese government, we are in the process of putting in place
another plan for Ituri in order to convince the last of the three militia chiefs
to enter into the demobilisation and reinsertion programme. This programme will
be a little different than the previous ones where we have already demobilized
between 16,000 and 18,000 militia in Ituri,” he explained.
He went on to say that MONUC has its biggest brigade of 4,900 troops in Ituri.
“We are also conducting joint military operations with the FARDC to convince the
militias that there is a new period of democracy in the Congo, where there is no
place for the use of force, especially by illegal groups.”
He stressed that MONUC, under Chapter seven, has the mandate to protect the
civilian population, and the threat posed to them by the militias was the
‘biggest concern.’
In relation to the issue of local elections, Mr. Swing underlined the need to
keep a certain level of troops and police as well as an aerial capacity for this
work, because ‘you have at least 20 times more constituencies than the previous
elections, with 6,037 as opposed to 385.'
On the issue of the disputed Kahemba territory with Angola, Mr. Swing indicated
that MONUC is in the process of sending a humanitarian evaluation mission to the
area.
This is being done in conjunction with the other UN agencies and international
NGO’s, to see what the population needs are and what we can do to respond
quickly to those needs.”
While the results of the joint commission of inquiry, conducted by the
governments of Angola and the DRC, are incomplete, the President of the
Provincial Assembly Guy Musomo said that the Republic of Angola had, ‘for the
sake of good relations, removed all their troops from Congolese territory, and
has facilitated the return of displaced Congolese in the disputed villages.’
“The Bandundu Provincial Assembly supports the action of the central government
which is looking for a peaceful solution to the crisis, which involves two
sister republics that have the same languages, culture, history, blood ties and
the longest common border in Africa,” he added.
The objective of Mr. Swing’s visit to Bandundu was a routine visit that he makes
regularly to all 11 provinces in the country. |
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Notorious Congolese militia leader begins disarmament
but demands amnesty
UN News - 01 mar. 07 |
28 February 2007
– In a hopeful development towards peace in the war-torn northeastern Ituri
province in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the notorious leader of
the a local militia group has ordered the surrender and disarmament of 170 of
his troops – including numerous children – while demanding amnesty, the United
Nations peacekeeping mission in the country, known as MONUC, announced today.
“I want peace, as does the DRC Government,” Peter Karim, commander of the Front
des Nationalistes and Intégrationnistes (FNI), told MONUC in a rare interview.
However, he stated that neither he nor his senior deputies would surrender
without a definite official pardon. “If an amnesty was guaranteed for us, I
would be willing to surrender tomorrow.”
Of the 170 troops that laid down their arms under the supervision of UN blue
helmets yesterday, MONUC Bunia’s Child Protection division and the UN Children’s
Fund (UNICEF) ascertained that 42 are children. These children will be looked
after at a special camp where they will be identified before the UN agencies try
to reunite them with their families.
The remaining adult troops were taken to by a Government-run disarmament,
demobilization, repatriation, reintegration and reinsertion camp.
This week’s surrender was made possible in large part by MONUC, which
facilitated three weeks of negotiations with Mr. Karim.
The disarmament of the troops is “a good sign, but we have not yet solved the
problem,” said MONUC Bunia Political Affairs officer Jacob Mogeni. “The issue of
Peter Karim’s demands for amnesty as a condition of surrender is critical, but
it’s the responsibility of the DRC Government to decide.”
Mr. Mogeni expressed optimism that the Government is resolute in ending the
conflict and added that he anticipates further negotiations.
For his part, Mr. Karim also told MONUC that the FNI has no plans to militarily
engage the Armed Forces of DRC (FARDC), which has weakened his group
significantly through encirclement and cutting off supply lines.
MONUC has overseen the DRC’s transition from a six-year civil war – widely
considered the most lethal conflict in the world since World War II – costing
four million lives, to gradual stabilization, culminating in the first
democratic elections in over four decades last year, the largest and most
complex polls the UN has ever helped to organize. |
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Militia begin demobilization in
northeast DR Congo |
AFP 28
feb. 07 - 11.49h
|
KINSHASA (AFP) - Peter Karim, the last
active militia chief in the northeastern Ituri region of the Democratic Republic
of Congo, on Tuesday sent 170 fighters to a military camp to demobilize, the
regular army said.
The militia members, who included children, were assembled and taken to the camp
at Kwandroma, about 90 kilometers (56 miles) northeast of Bunia, Ituri's main
town, General Vainqueur Mayala told AFP.
"There were 42 children among the militia. They have been separated from the
others by UNICEF (the UN children's fund) and delivered to local humanitarian
organizations," the military spokesman for the UN mission in the DRC (MONUC),
Lieutenant-Colonel Didier Rancher, told AFP.
The militia "gave up 25 Kalashnikovs, two heavy machine guns and about 10 crates
of anti-tank mines," said Mayala, who commands the regular DR Congo army in the
Ituri area.
"It is a great satisfaction for us. We have for months been pressing them to
choose disarmament over confrontation. The process must now accelerate and Peter
Karim himself must come out of the bush," he said.
Karim was the last militia leader to resist the demobilization that since 2005
has seen more than 15,000 fighters disarm in the region. The country emerged in
2003 from a five-year civil war that left an estimated four million people dead.
Fighting between his force, the Nationalist and Integrationist Front, and the
army has killed about 100 people since the beginning of 2007, according to the
army. |
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Congo will push out
Ugandan rebels, interior minister says
DPA
27 feb. 07 - 12.04h
|
Kinshasa_(dpa) 26 Feb 2007 _
Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) will be pushed out of the bush of the
Democratic Republic of Congo its rebels are using as bases, Interior Minister
General Denis Kalume said on Monday.
The army was there to defend the country and it would do its job, Kalume said.
LRA fighters were pillaging villages in north- east Congo, near the border with
Uganda, Sudan and Central African Republic, he said without confirming their
numbers.
A landmark truce agreement between the LRA and the Ugandan government is to
expire Wednesday, with the LRA saying it will not renew the deal because of
attacks on it from Ugandan forces.
The Ugandan military has said the LRA, fearing reprisal from the Congolese army,
have crossed into the Central African Republic, joining forces with rebels
fighting the government there.
LRA leader Joseph Kony is wanted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by
the International Criminal Court in The Hague.
The 20-year conflict between the LRA and the government in northern Uganda has
left tens of thousands dead and 1.8 million people displaced.
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| Democratic
Republic of Congo and Republic of Iceland |
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The two Governments, at a meeting on 23 February, decided to establish
diplomatic relations. The two also declared that they wished "to develop further
friendship and co-operation between their two peoples".
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Embassadors Hjàlmar Hannesson and Atoki Ileka |
|
Representatives
of the Icelandic government and the government of the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC) at the UN signed an agreement in New York on Friday to establish
diplomatic relations between the two states.
Fréttabladid reports the agreement was
signed by Hjálmar W. Hannesson, on behalf of Iceland, and Atoke Ileka, on
behalf of the DRC, who represent the two countries at the UN.
The mid-African state Democratic Republic
of Congo, which has about 60 million inhabitants, is a former Belgian colony,
but gained independence in 1960.
The UN has been cooperating with the
government in the DRC to establish democracy and stability after a bloody
civil war.
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| DISCOURS DE SON
EXCELLENCE LE PRESIDENT JOSEPH KABILA |
|
Monsieur le Président,
Avant de commencer mon propos de ce jour, Je voudrais, vous demander de bien
vouloir transmettre à Madame SHEIKHA HAYA RASHED AL KHALIFA, Mes très vives et
chaleureuses félicitations pour sa brillante élection à la présidence de cette
61ème Session Ordinaire de l'Assemblée Générale des Nations Unies.
Mes félicitations s'adressent également à tous les membres de votre bureau qui,
j'en suis sûr, vous aideront à accomplir avec brio votre exaltante et délicate
mission à la présidence de la présente Session Ordinaire.
Je saisis aussi cette opportunité pour rendre un hommage mérité à votre
prédécesseur, Monsieur Jan ELIASSON, Président de la 60ème Session Ordinaire,
pour la qualité appréciable du travail abattu au cours de son mandat, dans un
environnement international difficile.
Je ne peux poursuivre cette communication sans exprimer toute Ma reconnaissance
ainsi que les remerciements de l'ensemble du peuple congolais à l'endroit de
Monsieur KOFI ANNAN, Secrétaire Général de l'Organisation des Nations Unies,
dont le mandat prend fin cette année sur une note de satisfaction de tous.
Grâce au Leadership remarquable de ce digne fils de l'Afrique, les Etats membres
de notre Organisation ont bénéficié d'une décennie de diplomatie intense et
active qui a permis le règlement de bon nombre des conflits dans le monde.
Il y a lieu de citer notamment la situation des pays de la Région des Grands
Lacs et particulièrement celle de la République Démocratique du Congo.
Monsieur le Président,
Au moment où se déroule cette 61ème Session Ordinaire de l'Assemblée Générale
des Nations Unies, Mon pays, la République Démocratique du Congo, vit et
traverse une période particulière de son histoire politique. La période de
transition débutée depuis 1990 va bientôt prendre fin avec la mise en place des
nouvelles institutions du pays.
En effet, le 30 juillet dernier, il s'est tenu dans la paix et la transparence,
sur l'ensemble du territoire national, les premières élections pluralistes
réellement démocratiques depuis une quarantaine d'années.
La réussite de ce pari constitue une grande œuvre commune du peuple congolais et
des partenaires tant bilatéraux que multilatéraux de la République Démocratique
du Congo. Et c'est ici l'occasion de remercier du haut de cette tribune tous ces
partenaires.
S'agissant des événements malheureux survenus à Kinshasa du 20 au 22 Août 2006,
après la proclamation des résultats provisoires du premier tour de l'élection
présidentielle par la Commission Electorale Indépendante, toutes les
dispositions ont été prises pour que de tels incidents ne se reproduisent plus.
Le processus électoral va se poursuivre dans un climat apaisé et de concorde
nationale.
Monsieur le Président,
Les avancées obtenues quotidiennement parfois au prix de beaucoup de sacrifices
sont l'aboutissement d'un processus politique laborieux initié comme vous le
savez après un long conflit armé interne et externe. Ces conséquences
humanitaires sont l'une des tragédies les plus importantes que l'humanité ait
connues.
Cependant, il demeure de nombreux problèmes multisectoriels auxquels le prochain
gouvernement devra faire face au regard des attentes urgentes et légitimes du
peuple congolais.
En effet, ce gouvernement devra parachever l'œuvre de l'intégration et de la
reforme de l'Armée pour assurer la paix et la sécurité à notre peuple. Il devra
se mettre au travail pour améliorer les conditions de vie de nos populations. En
d'autres termes, il devra tout mettre en œuvre pour répondre aux besoins
fondamentaux de celles-ci, notamment, la santé, l'éducation, l'autosuffisance
alimentaire, les infrastructures de base, l'électricité et l'eau potable pour
tous, sans oublier évidemment la lutte contre le paludisme et le VIH/SIDA ainsi
que la lutte contre la pauvreté.
Pour y arriver, le nouveau gouvernement devra entre autres renforcer la bonne
gouvernance par la lutte contre la corruption et garantir la sécurité juridique
et judiciaire dans le cadre de la réforme du système judiciaire en cours.
La réalisation de cette vision n'est possible que par la mobilisation des
énergies de tout le monde, à travers une participation active et inclusive de
tous les fils et filles de notre pays quelles que soient leurs tendances
politiques, idéologiques ou confessionnelles.
A ce propos, nous saluons la configuration de notre futur parlement qui reflète
déjà la richesse et la diversité politique de notre peuple et dont le rôle de
contrôle sera fondamental pour le fonctionnement de l'Etat.
C'est pourquoi, une fois de plus, Je réaffirme Ma foi dans le concept de la "
consolidation de la paix " et lance un appel pressant à la Communauté
Internationale afin de poursuivre le partenariat avec la République Démocratique
du Congo après la mise en place des nouvelles Institutions.
Monsieur le Président,
En observant la scène internationale, il se dégage plusieurs fléaux récurrents
notamment, la persistance des tensions et des conflits armés dans plusieurs
régions du monde, la dégradation des conditions de vie des populations dans les
pays en voie de développement, particulièrement en Afrique, la montée de
l'immigration clandestine, les ravages causés par les différentes pandémies, la
croissance de la criminalité et des actes de terrorisme, les atteintes à la
préservation et à la protection de l'environnement.
Face à ces menaces, la session précédente de l'Assemblée générale avait organisé,
en marge de ses travaux, le Sommet mondial des Chefs d'Etat et de Gouvernement
consacré à l'évaluation des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement et
autres engagements issus des Grandes Conférences et Réunions Internationales.
C'est suite à cette évaluation que plusieurs décisions ont été prises notamment,
la création de la Commission de Consolidation de la Paix et du Conseil des
Droits de l'Homme, deux structures fondamentales, dont nous ne pouvons que nous
féliciter de la mise en place effective.
La réalisation des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement est une
priorité pour bon nombre des pays, particulièrement les plus démunis.
C'est pourquoi, l'élan dans l'application des recommandations pertinentes issues
du Sommet du Millénaire ne devrait pas se relâcher. Et c'est dans cette optique
que nous souhaitons voir s'inscrire les présentes assises.
Outre les fléaux précités, d'autres questions préoccupent encore nos pays
notamment la réforme du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies, l'effacement
total de la dette des pays en voie de développement, l'augmentation de l'aide
publique au développement, la conclusion d'une Convention générale relative au
Terrorisme international et la stratégie mondiale de lutte contre ce phénomène,
les conflits armés, la sécurité collective, l'adoption d'un traité international
sur les disparitions forcées.
Toutes ces questions constituent autant de défis posés à la marche harmonieuse
de la Communauté des Nations et à l'avenir même des générations futures.
Pour y répondre efficacement, tous les pays du monde doivent être solidaires les
uns vis-à-vis des autres dans un élan de coopération sincère et de justice
humaniste.
Concernant les crises dans le monde, que ce soit au Moyen Orient, en Afrique ou
ailleurs, la République Démocratique du Congo recommande, plus que jamais, leur
règlement par la voie pacifique, dans le respect de la Charte des Nations Unies
et des résolutions pertinentes du Conseil de Sécurité.
Monsieur le Président,
En guise de conclusion, puisse cette auguste assemblée partager avec moi ma
conviction en la renaissance de la République Démocratique du Congo avec
l'avènement des nouvelles institutions appelées à ouvrir une nouvelle ère de
paix, de stabilité et de développement, non seulement dans mon pays mais aussi
en Afrique Centrale et dans toute la Région des Grands Lacs.
Malgré les défis que notre organisation se doit de relever au jour le jour,
c'est sur une note d'espoir, de solidarité entre les nations, et de synergies
dans leurs actions pour un avenir meilleur des générations actuelles et futures
que je termine mon propos.
Je souhaite plein succès à nos travaux.
Je vous remercie.
Joseph KABILA |
|
HAM: Without resources, we are
out on the streets
By Sy Koumbo S.Gali / MONUC
01 sep. 06 - 11.30h |
Modeste Mutinga, President of the High Authority of the Media,
gives his impressions on the agreement signed between the two second round
presidential candidates, and the commitment entered into by the Kinshasa media
to comply with the rules of ethics and the code of good conduct in the run up to
the second round.
INTERVIEW
Will CCTV and Canal Kin reopen today?
This is certain because the law must be respected, and it’s the same
for everyone. There is some formalities to be completed with President Kabila
and vice President Bemba, as well as with the UN Special Representative, Mr.
Swing. We worked for the past day, and I think that both stations will begin
broadcasting soon.
Following the recent agreements, do you think that the media will
respect the code of good conduct?
The media have always respected the code of ethics and good conduct.
Generally it is the politicians who use and misuse the microphone of the media
stations to convey messages, some of which are reprehensible.
The code of ethics and good conduct must be respected
The journalists have accepted this new agreement, in addition
to the law on the conditions regarding the exercise of the freedom of the press,
as well as the code of ethics and good conduct.
Moreover, they are dedicated to the success of the electoral process, because if
they weren’t, they would not have signed this agreement. As we know, the
majority of the media which function today are almost the complete property of
the current political actors who are candidates in the presidential poll, and I
think that this evil must be eradicated. It will be necessary to eradicate it
with the assistance of all the presidential candidates, other actors and
journalists.
Is this to say that you count quite simply on the goodwill of everyone?
I count on the political good-will of the candidates who remain,
because after all, I do not think that the candidates who aspire to the highest
office will want to violate the laws of the Republic. I also count on the media
professionals who have signed an act of engagement to respect the law.
In any case, I believe that everyone is committed to contributing to peace.
What kind of sanctions can you inflict on the media in the event of non
respect of this agreement?
We have a whole hierarchy of sanctions. We can call the media to order,
and highlight their discrepancies, and we can suspend a television or radio
station for a period of up to three months.
I believe Kabila and Bemba will cooperate, for the future
security of the country
When a station is suspended, their signal is closed. As for
the withdrawal of the licences or frequencies, that is the resort of the court
which can be brought by either a citizen or by the candidates themselves, when
they believe that the law was not respected.
Do you think that Kabila and Bemba will cooperate?
I am convinced that they will find it beneficial to collaborate and they will
collaborate, because beyond this collaboration, there is no security for the
country.
President Kabila and Vice-President Bemba committed themselves to
complying with a certain code of conduct, and under your authority the media
have made a similar pledge. How will the two directives be harmonized?
We have two completely different fields of intervention. The candidates
have a political code of conduct to observe in order to safeguard peace and the
integrity of the country.
We have another field, that of media monitoring, where broadcasts which incite
violence, hatred, and which do not respect the private life of others can lead
to deplorable situations such as those which we experienced from August 20
to 22.
I believe that the two fields of intervention are complementary for a successful
result to the electoral process, and the birth of the third Republic.
We are on a complex electoral ground where there is often interference
and even complicity between the media and politicians. Do you fear this, in
spite of the goodwill of everyone?
This is a dynamic of an electoral process, but as long as these
political debates result in ideas for the future of the country and not in
verbal violence, so that the voters can make the best possible choice, then
democracy will triumph.
What are the best measures available to HAM in ensuring that the media
remain impartial?
We have initially the law on the exercise of the freedom of the press, and we
have the journalists’ charter of ethics and code of conduct, as well as the act
of engagement. But we can count on the will of everyone to see the people freely
choosing the leader they want; because, after all, he will be the sovereign
leader of the country.
HAM has neither offices nor documents, and we appeal for help
One cannot direct the country without the assent of the
people, and the media are a vital link between this primary sovereign and the
people who voted him in.
Does HAM have the necessary budget to carry out its duties?
The HAM has neither offices, nor documents, and today we are on the
street. We wish to launch an SOS for funding to the men of goodwill, to MONUC,
to all the international community, and also the Congolese government.
I hope they will realise that our regulatory authority is essential for this
election period, and we should have the proper means to carry out our duties, so
that we are effective and dynamic at this important time. |
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EU: We have anticipated financing for the second
round of elections
Aldo Ajello, the European Union special envoy for the Great Lakes
region has been to Kinshasa this week to meet with various Congolese political
actors and members of the International Community, including MONUC head William
Swing.
INTERVIEW
Mr. Ajello, could you make a short assessment of your stay in Kinshasa?
The objective of the Kinshasa visit was to review the events of the 21st and the
22nd of August that represented perhaps the most serious crisis during the
transitional period.
With our mission we’re aiming to give a hand to MONUC to put the process back on
track.
We’re providing the conditions for confidence, again, between the different
partners and especially between the two candidates for the second round of
presidential elections.
We also want to be sure that the institutions keep on working as long as
necessary before the date of the presidential elections’ second round, which is
due to take place the 29th of October.
You have had the opportunity to meet President Kabila and Vice President
Jean-Pierre Bemba. What have been your impressions?
Both are aware of the fact that the process has to be put back on track; they
know that one has to make sure that the second round of the presidential
elections can take place in the best conditions. So we have a common working
basis.
The problem is, of course, that we have a deep mistrust between the two, and
especially on vice president Bemba’s side who saw himself aggressed during the
events of the 21st and 22nd of August.
So the re-establishment of confidence is the first step to take. The second step
is to make the institutions work and the third one is to reach the second round
of the elections. We are working on these three steps and we think that the
conditions are good enough so that we can advance the process.
Are you optimistic for the presidential election second round, and also for its
outcome?
I think we have done a lot of work and invested a lot, so we can’t allow
ourselves to be pessimistic.
How would you describe the role of the European Union in this electoral period?
It’s a role of assistance and support. The European Union has given a political
support to the transition and also a financial support throughout the
transitional phase, including the electoral phase, which we have financed by
almost 80%.
We are enormously committed to this issue and we want it to succeed in the best
possible way, with institutions elected by the Congolese people.
Has the European Union contemplated the budget necessary for the second round?
When it comes to the subject of financing the second round, things become really
stupid. It is as if we had anticipated one single round of the elections. But we
anticipated the financing for all the elections.
Even if the president would have been elected in the first round, we would have
had to finance, in any case, the provincial elections. So, we have to go for the
second round of the presidential elections, which is nor much different to
holding the provincial elections on their own. The second presidential round
does not change anything.
There is a gap, because the costs of this electoral process have been higher
than expected, as the process has been longer than expected. So now we are
trying to find the money to fill this gap and I can tell you already that the
European Union will, some days or even hours from now, make an announcement of a
considerable contribution in order to fill most of this gap.
Kofi Annan urges all to respect elections first round results
Nations Unies
21 Aug. 06 - 12.48h
The Secretary General of the United Nations welcomed Sunday the announcement of
the results of the “historic” July 30 elections, and urged “all Congolese
parties and the candidates to accept and respect the results of the elections”.
STATEMENT
“The Secretary General welcomes the announcement of the results of the
presidential and legislative elections held in the Democratic Republic of Congo
on 30 July, an historic event that has marked a crucial stage of the peace
process in this country.
The Secretary General wants to express his admiration to the Congolese people
for the dignity, calm and high sense of civic responsibility with which they
have performed their citizen’s duty and for massively demonstrating their hope
for a better future. These elections are only the beginning of a process that
will be marked by major challenges and the United Nations remain deeply
committed to supporting the Congolese in their efforts to establish lasting
peace and democracy.
He wants to express his deep appreciation for the excellent work done by the
Independent Electoral Commission, which successfully organized, with commitment
and in often difficult conditions, elections that were held in globally
satisfactory conditions.
The Secretary General urges all Congolese parties and the candidates to accept
and respect the results of the elections, in the spirit of peace and
reconciliation, so that these remain an example for the African continent and
the rest of the world.”
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