September 4, 2006 

Congress Receives Dismal Grade on Darfur

I wanted to call your attention to a recent editorial I wrote along with Rep. McCotter on the situation in Darfur, Sudan.  I will continue to keep you updated on my progress on this issue.

~Rob

Dismal Grade in Darfur 

By Representatives Robert E. Andrews and Thaddeus McCotter,

In July 2004, the U.S. Congress passed a unanimous resolution declaring that the atrocities being perpetrated in the Darfur region of western Sudan constituted genocide – the first of the twenty-first century.

That good day seemed to promise a genuine commitment to forcefully address one of the great moral crises of our lifetime.  And yet, two years later, Sudanese civilians are still being killed, raped and driven from their homes every day, as a distracted world again averts its gaze.

Much of the blame for this failure of U.S. leadership is directed at the Bush Administration, and some of that criticism is fair.  But as members of Congress – who belong to different parties and have different ideologies – we are acutely aware that the Legislative Branch has authority and responsibility to address international crises, too. And, as a group, we are failing badly on Darfur.

This month, the Washington-based Genocide Intervention Network released the first-ever “scorecard” assessing the performance of each member of Congress, and of the institution as a whole, in addressing the crisis in Sudan.  Not surprisingly, Congress merited a dismal overall rating of C, with 350 members rating a C or worse.  Only 100 legislators rated an A or better.  (The full report can be found at www.DarfurScores.org.)

To be fair, the United States has done more than any other nation, and President Bush has done more than any other world leader.  But each time we’ve done the right thing, our commitment has fallen far short of what is necessary to make a definitive difference.

We are the largest funder of the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS), the only force currently protecting civilians. Yet, because of a serious lack of funds, that force is still desperately out-manned and under-equipped.  Seven thousand poorly equipped troops in an area the size of Texas cannot possibly stem the violence that has killed 200,000 and displaced millions.

The efforts of a Bush emissary, Former Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick, were critical in securing a peace agreement between the government and the primary rebel faction.  Yet, the provisions of that agreement are not being enforced, and the killing continues.

Members of Congress and the Administration have visited Darfur and used floor speeches and personal influence to call attention to the atrocities.  Yet, the 2.5 million Darfurians displaced by the genocide are still waiting in danger.

Among the grim ironies here is that, unlike in many other areas of the world, America has a demonstrated capacity to inspire change within Sudan.  In the 90’s, we successfully pressured the same Sudanese government that is now in office to expel Osama bin Laden.  During President Bush’s first term, the peace agreement orchestrated between the government and Southern rebels ended a gruesome twenty-year civil war. 

The reality (at once sad and commonplace) is that every step our government takes toward justice and freedom is a response to direct demands by the American people themselves.  An American-led end to genocide in Darfur will be no different: it will only come when the outrage of ordinary Americans trumps the costs of taking action.

We hope every citizen will review their representatives' performance, and urge them to do the difficult work necessary to save Darfur.  There are a number of clear steps we can and must take, sooner rather than later, if we care at all about the people of Darfur and the moral legacy we leave behind.

First, we must secure enough financial support to bolster the existing peacekeeping mission for the remainder of its term. 

Second, we must support – materially, financially and diplomatically – the deployment of a Chapter VII international force with the military capabilities to enforce the peace agreement.  Significant Western participation will be necessary – including by the U.S.

Third, we should deploy to Sudan a special envoy with significant stature to sit down with regional leaders and negotiate a firm peace.  Such an envoy must be perceived to be acting directly on behalf of the US at the highest levels and have access to the President – perhaps a former Secretary of State or ranking ambassador.

The U.S. is the world’s indispensable power not only because of military and economic strength, but because of our historical claim to moral leadership – our willingness to do what others would not.  The Greatest Generation, which saved Europe from tyranny just half a century ago, bequeathed today’s leaders an obligation to act honorably when history calls, even in faraway places.   What legacy will our generation leave?  We most certainly will be judged by our actions in Darfur.

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