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Current Issues Briefing Summary

Afghanistan: Women in Government & Society

U.S. Institute of Peace
January 29, 2002

OVERVIEW

Moderators:

Deepa Ollapally- U.S. Institute of Peace

Joan Winship - Vital Voices Global Partnership

Panelists:

Rina Amiri - Women and Public Policy Program, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University

Zieba Shorish-Shamley - Women's Alliance for Peace and Human Rights in Afghanistan (WAPHA)

Topic: Afghan women's future role in government and society is rendered unclear not just by five years of the Taliban regime's notorious atrocities against women and abuse of human rights, but also by complex historical and religious factors. With talented and articulate leadership in place in the interim government, a large cohort of educated Afghan women -- despite the Taliban's prohibition of education -- imminent elections, and a robust and well-defined grassroots movement, the outlook for women's participation in public life is favorable.

Held on January 29th at the Institute, the event was attended by members of the development, aid, policy, diplomatic, press, academic, and business communities.

Listen to Archived Audio from this Event

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RINA AMIRI'S REMARKS

While international attention on Afghan women's rights and the status of gender in politics in general is at an all time high, it is important to consider the cultural and religious contexts for the assimilation or re-assimilation of women into political, civic and economic arenas. Gender studies are moving beyond the traditional approaches, which primarily frame women as victims of rape, war, and disenfranchisement to areas in which women, who make up 50 percent of the world's population and more than 60 percent of that of Afghanistan, are actors, in government and society. While the Taliban's excesses have brought international attention to that regime's gender abuses in Afghanistan, and the commitment and investment shown by the international community is wholly appreciated, Amiri cautioned that competing images of Afghan women may complicate assessments. "The one image that has prevailed in the last five years, perhaps longer… is that women are shrouded in veils, they have no access to health care, to employment. This was the world that the women lived under in the Taliban regime."

The other image, as revealed more recently by Afghan women and advocates on speaking engagements, is one of an educated sector of society, in which women constituted "60 percent of the teachers in Afghanistan, 40 percent of the students, they were members of parliament and of the loya jirga…and the political machinery." For appropriate international advocacy for Afghan women, both these images are important to understand and to analyze, and all along the spectrum between these seemingly competing images. Amiri estimates that 10-15 percent of women, pre-Taliban, were engaged in leadership positions, while the other 85-90 percent led more traditional lives in the home and community, but were not repressed.

Political & Grassroots Dimensions

As for political dimensions, women's emancipation in Afghanistan has been on the agenda since the 1880s. Often the movement forward in education, political participation and economic empowerment, led in large part by leaders seeking to modernize Afghanistan, was accompanied by backlash from traditionalists and rural communities, and often even the removal of women from the public sector; so the Taliban's excesses were not without precedent. Amiri noted also that Afghanistan has always lacked resources, has had a decentralized government which creates difficulty in the support of women, and that there is a fairly vast difference in the lifestyles of rural and urban areas, the latter being where most women advocates and leaders live.

There are new grassroots dimensions emerging in Afghanistan and in its Diaspora community. Many war widows have seen greater economic concessions to enable them to manage their households, and greater community participation and educational access. While Afghanistan has traditionally been a tolerant, Islamic society, politicized Islam has arrived and so Afghanistan is more religious, and less tolerant of women in the public sector. Prior to the Taliban, the Mujahideen gave women's repression some force, with limitations having been enacted by decree from Mujahideen leaders.

The International Community & Reconstruction

As Afghanistan looks to immediate reconstruction and the appropriate development of the political landscape, distant and recent history helps to inform Afghans and the international community. The Afghan King Zahir Shah has consistently been an active supporter and promoter of women's participation in political life. Yet, only two women were invited to the Bonn Conference, and only two have positions in the transitional government, illustrating that the pace for women's rights and progress in Afghanistan will be slow; this is due in part to the traditional, conservative elements, and to the slow decision-making process, which is by consensus. "We are quite antagonistic to hierarchy, and the way the decisions are made is by wrestling with some of the ideological positions, and coming to a position of agreement," said Amiri, who worried that women's issues are being watered down by this process. She noted that the Brussels Conference included women from across the ideological spectrum, and generated the sense that consciousness is rising. There is tremendous talent among the women of Afghanistan and it will be to Afghanistan's benefit to tap into it, and not just in symbolic ways.

Amiri enjoins the international community to be receptive, adaptive, and to support the indigenous methodology and process. A Western approach could damage a long-term vision for an indigenous creation of a just and equitable society, because various elements of the Western model of feminism are contextually inappropriate for Afghan women, and because it can be anticipated that Islamic traditionalists, many of whom may otherwise be receptive to women's empowerment, will reject much of what appears to be modeled after or dominated by the West. Also, the international community could help by ensuring that women's issues remain on the agenda and continue to be examined in the U.S. and elsewhere. To create a sustainable process, a holistic approach is necessary; "progress and gender do not happen in a vacuum. It is integrally connected to society and the shape and the vision it has for tomorrow."

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DR. ZIEBA SHORISH-SHAMLEY'S REMARKS:

It is useful to understand why Afghan society has been so traditional and patriarchal. Successive outside invasions engendered a need to protect women. Increasing religiosity bred by al Qaeda and Taliban extremists' politicization of Islam coupled with the Soviet invasion forced more women into the home and into more traditional roles, despite a more or less robust role in civic life by women.

In many Muslim societies, the majority of the population is not literate, and "religious knowledge has been controlled by the ruling class, and the mullah, who is supposedly their religious leader, has worked for the ruling class. Religious texts have been interpreted for the benefit of the mullah and the ruling class…So knowledge has been used as a way of controlling the people. This is the biggest problem in the Muslim world." Shorish-Shamley contends that, as a result of this education gap, most Muslims don't know their rights, and cannot read the Qur'an to verify the teachings. "Rights given to men and women in the Qur'an are equal." Verses revealed to the prophet Mohammad emphasizing education, human rights, spirituality, human rights, and economic rights do not specify gender. Afghanistan and the greater Muslim world cannot continue to blame the Western world and colonialism for its misery and misfortune, because while the West has a great share of culpability, "we must learn about our culture, about our religion, about ourselves, and stand on our own two feet."

It is difficult if not impossible to achieve progress in Muslim societies by demand; the introduction of ideas must be rational and presented intellectually through the Qur'an to a spiritual leader, with arguments with which he cannot disagree. Followed by international legal precedent, progress can be made. "So again, the secret lies in education."

When traditional Arab-based Islam reached Central Asia in about 700 A.D., the Arabs responsible for the conversions departed without having educated the converts in Islamic education and culture. The ensuing debate among the new converts to interpret their religion resulted and continues to result in a blend of old and new traditions. The five pillars of Islam are the same everywhere, but the social and historical context of each culture varies with regards to treatment of women, education, etc.

Perspectives on Women in Government and Society

Shorish-Shamley sees conditioning the inclusion of women in Afghan government on economic aid as a necessary and useful tool to be used by the international community. "If the more than 60 percent of Afghan society, which is women, do not participate in the reconstruction of their country, how will the minority, which is our men, rebuild that country?" The time is right to push for the rights of women, in every aspect of Afghan society. Assistance is needed to rebuild legal and judicial systems, and ensure justice and accountability. The interim government should pressure to recruit women lawyers, prosecutors, judges, etc. A delay could cost Afghan women by removing it from, or minimizing its relevance to, the agenda. Islam does not forbid such inclusion, and in fact women were leaders in early Islam, among them the prophet's first wife, the merchant Khadija, senior to the prophet by 15 years (likewise suggesting freedom in choice of marriage). Women fought in battle, were active in economics and government, and 'modest flowing clothing' was recommended so that when men and women face each other in public discussion, intellectuality rather than sexuality be mutually pleasing as equal human beings. There are many theories about the veil, some practical regarding Bedouin protection against the sand and sun, some suggest it came from medieval Christianity, and some equate it with social status. However, through the years, it has come to be associated with women, and traditionalism.

Shorish-Shamley encourages international actors and advocates to request and/or lobby for the allocation of 50 percent of foreign aid to programs associated with women's rights and their economic development.

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Q&A

In response to a floor and internet question and answer period following the presentations, Amiri commented on unique media treatment of women's issues in Afghanistan; warned against treatment of gender without fuller cultural context; and reiterated her views on Western advocacy vis-à-vis indigenous development of Afghan peoples' institutions; concurred that education is a way to counter gender discrimination; invited attendees and remote viewers to review some Harvard research done on the reform of Islam and reinforcement of its fundamental tenets; suggested roles for Western women in the transformation of gender and politics in Afghanistan; pointed to networks and connectivity for funding and research; responded to questions of Afghan, Diaspora and near-Diaspora identity; discussed the reluctance of Afghans to engage too deeply at this stage with its neighbors; addressed the anomaly of extremism in Afghanistan; reiterated confidence in the interim government and its ability to address the challenges ahead; cautioned against underestimating the capacity of Afghans in Afghanistan to rebuild; advised Westerners to refrain from much criticism of the hijab (veil) as it is preferred by some; discussed the complementarity of women's issues vis-à-vis men, homes, children, extended family, society; briefly addressed the issue of a woman's honor in Afghanistan and how it has been utilized to circumvent her full engagement in economics and government; and cited Cambodia as a similar model worth examination regarding human rights and trauma recovery.

Shorish-Shamley clarified her perspectives on what measures and pressures could be brought to bear on a highly qualified interim government; cautioned against utilizing the women's issue to further other ends; reiterated that Muslim countries interpret and practice Islam differently, citing different practices such has female genital mutilation which have no base in Islam; discussed initiatives that would assist Afghan women to gain positions of power such as capacity and skill building, and training locally and to women in Diaspora; discussed foreign and Afghan lobbying for women's issues; responded to questions of Afghan, Diaspora and near-Diaspora identity; characterized U.S. Muslim response as essentially absent when needed most; characterized Afghans as exhausted by war, invasion, tyranny and famine, but smarter now, and ready with articulate and knowledgeable people and leaders to make a better future; reiterated confidence in the interim government, the country's infrastructure, and its challenges ahead; cautioned against underestimating the capacity of Afghans in Afghanistan to rebuild while inviting international tools and resources; discussed the role of women in security and security forces; and noted the role of Japan, and its challenge of post-war recovery.

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Related Institute Online Resources

Afghanistan Web Links
Annotated Web Links & Online Resources

Afghanistan: Prospects for Peace and Reconstruction
A Current Issues Briefing, January 15, 2002.
Archived Audio and Event SummaryAvailable

Afghanistan: The Humanitarian Response
A Current Issues Briefing, November 20, 2001.
Archived Audio & Video Available

Afghanistan: Players, Politics, & Prospects
A Current Issues Briefing, November 1, 2001.
Archived Audio & Video Available

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About the Event Summary

This summary was prepared by Suzanne Wopperer, Office of Public Outreach, and reflects the presentations and comments from Afghanistan: Women in Government and Society -- a Current Issues Briefing held at the U.S. Institute of Peace on January 29, 2002. The views summarized above reflect the discussion at the meeting; they do not represent formal positions taken by the Institute, which does not advocate specific policies.

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