Sir Francis Drake: A Pictorial Biography by Hans P. Kraus
The Unfortunate Voyage San Juan de Ulúa,
1567-1569
Drake's first real step on the stage of history was his voyage
to America under the command of his kinsman, John Hawkins. The
enterprise began on October 2, 1567, when a fleet of six ships
set sail from Plymouth. Only two of these ships were to return
home, one commanded by Drake, in January 1569, and one by Hawkins
in the following month.
The outstanding incident of this voyage was its disastrous ending.
After profitable (though illegal) trade in the Spanish American
ports, and the commission of sundry acts of piracy, the little
English squadron put into the harbor of San Juan de Ulúa,
Mexico, to obtain supplies and to repair their ships. While they
were there, the annual Spanish flotilla of thirteen great ships
sailed into the harbor, with the new Viceroy of Mexico, Don Martín
Enríquez, on board. After a few days of negotiations, a
pact was concluded by which the English were allowed to repair
their ships and purchase ashore the supplies they needed, while
the Spanish ships would anchor near them. But Don Martín
treacherously ordered the pact to be broken, and a battle ensued.
Only two small ships, the Minion , with Hawkins, and
the Judith, with Drake, made their escape. The other ships, almost
all the gains of the voyage, and 500 men were lost. The two ships
were overburdened, and more men had to be abandoned on the Texas
coast, only a few of whom ever reached England again.
Passage about the 1567-1569 expedition, from Hakluyt's The Principall
Navigations , 1589, p. 555. [27]
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The most important English source for this incident is John Hawkins'
own narrative of the events of the expedition, which first appeared
in Hakluyt's Principall Navigations , 1589, on pages
553-557. [27]
A Spanish version of these events is in Luis Cabrera de Cordova, Filipe
Segundo Rey de España , Madrid, 1619, p. 515. [37] Both
Drake and Hawkins are mentioned there, in the phonetic spellings
usually found in Spanish sources, "Francisco Draque" and "Juan
Aquines". Drake was also sometimes rendered "Drago" (= "Dragon")
in Spanish texts, in reference to the dragonlike ferocity which
they attributed to him.
The portrait of John Hawkins, from Henry Holland's Herwologia Anglica ,
(1620). [39]
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ABOVE: The signature of John Hawkins, from a manuscript document of 1588
or before. [7]
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A translation of the passage in Cabrera de Cordova is as follows
(Libro VIII, cap. 10, p. 513):
A passage on the 1567-1569 expedition from Cabrera de Cordova's Filipe
Segundo , 1619. [37]
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[Queen Elizabeth] taking the advice of two Portuguese, fitted
out two ships, and entrusted them, together with 500 men, to
John Hawkins, a great seaman, who was a Devon man, and to another
Englishman, Francis Drake. She promised them one third of the
profits. They sailed for Elmina, a Portuguese trading post,
and
then called, with varying degrees of success, at places across
from the Guinea coast to the island of La Margarita and Rio
de la Hacha. As they were not allowed to trade even at Cartagena,
they sailed on, and were sighted off Vera Cruz on 15 September.
The royal officials at the port, thinking they were ships of
the fleet expected from Spain, went on board to receive the
mails.
They were made prisoners and then set free. Hawkins and Drake
received permission from the Viceroy of New Spain to stay in
port while they did what was necessary to make ready to sail,
and they kept the royal Treasurer as a hostage. They then entered
the harbor of San Juan de Ulúa where six vessels heavily
laden with silver were moored. Then thirteen ships of the fleet
carrying the Viceroy, Don Martín Enríquez, and
commanded by the General Don Francisco Luján, were sighted:
as the English were in the harbor they did not try to enter.
John Hawkins was afraid that these were the galleons built by
Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, Adelantado of Florida,
to protect the routes and convoys in the trade with the Indies,
and which accompanied the fleets. He therefore sent word that
he was in port by arrangement with the Viceroy, and was careening
his flagship; and that this was because when he was sailing
to Elmina, winds had blown him off course and that the need
to save
his ships was what had made him put in to land. The new Viceroy
was mindful of the danger in which his ships stood by reason
of the violent North winds in the Gulf; this caused him to
come to an agreement with John Hawkins under which his ships
were
brought safely into port while hostages were given by both
sides, and thus he was able to enter harbor. The authorities
at Vera
Cruz now became aware of the activities of which the English
had been guilty, and 120 soldiers were embarked on board the
fleet at night. The Viceroy set out for Mexico City.
Don Francisco de Luján, the Captain-General, did
not feel obliged to adhere to an agreement made with raiders,
and took the opportunity to break with them over the question
of mooring places in the harbor. He decided to fight them, and
ordered a considerable number of soldiers, armed only with daggers,
to go aboard to call upon the English and to invite them over:
during the banquet they were to be killed. This was done, and
the guns of the fleet bombarded the English ships. A force of
soldiers also captured the guns that John Hawkins had placed
on a platform commanding the harbor to protect his flagship while
he was careening her. Hawkins, meanwhile, ordered Francis Drake
to load the gold he had acquired at Elmina into one of his ships,
and to wait for him with it outside the harbor. He set fire to
his flagship and directed the fight from the second largest ship:
as things were going badly, he got away from the harbor in company
with one other ship, leaving the remainder, with quantities of
clothes, silver, slaves, rich stuffs, and many of his English
crews dead, and he made sail. The ship accompanying him was cast
up by the winds on the coast of Pánuco. John Hawkins arrived
first at the Florida Channel and then got to the coast of Spain
at the end of December with many men sick. On the other hand,
Francis Drake got to England alone, and gave out that his commander
had been wrecked. The gold and silver he hid, although the Queen
put him in prison. This was the beginning of the career at sea
of the greatest pirate of the age--the one who carried out more
raids and robberies than any other.
The battle at San Juan de Ulúa had disclosed weaknesses
in the fortifications, and consequently the noted Spanish military
engineer Cristóbal de Eraso was ordered to prepare improvements
in them. The plan and view, on two vellum sheets, of this celebrated
fortress at the harbor of Vera Cruz, Mexico (see pages 56 and 57),
are certainly the earliest extant depictions of it, and are also,
so far as we can determine, the earliest extant drawings of military
architecture in America.
It was in the vicinity of this fortress that Cortes landed in
1519, in his conquest of the Aztec empire. The port was a terminus
of the Spanish treasure fleets which carried to Spain the silver
and other precious metals of Mexico, as well as the Far Eastern
goods sent to Spain from Canton via Manila, Acapulco, Mexico City,
and Vera Cruz.
At the time of the battle between the Hawkins-Drake forces and
the Spaniards the fortress consisted of a tower, with embrasures
for artillery and a gun platform on the top, and a stone wall,
part quay, part fortification, 300 feet in length along the shore.
Ships were moored to the wall by large iron rings shown here and
in later drawings, with one end anchored out from the wall. On
the view are the proposed additions: a 138-foot extension of the
wall and a large tower with two gun platforms. These additions
greatly increased the strength of the fortification.
The other piece, a ground plan, displays an even more ambitious
scheme; the existing rampart-quay is incorporated as one wall of
a quadrangular fortress, about 300 feet square, with a tower at
each corner. This improvement was not carried out in the 16th century;
only in 1712 was a somewhat similar fortress erected. The lengthening
of the rampart was done soon after 1568, however; the next extant
plan, that of 1590, shows it in this extended form.
The Spanish American ports had, up to the time of Drake, been
very lightly fortified. The sudden need to provide such buildings
was a severe drain on the Spanish treasury, and this may have caused
expenses which exceeded the cost of the actual damage.
As has been pointed out by D. W. Waters, "the immediate economic
lesson of San Juan de Ulúa for Englishmen was that if they
wanted to trade with the Indies, they would have to fight for the
right under one guise or another, and that the wealth of the Indies
could be won only by hard endeavour on the high seas." ( Art
of Navigation in England , p. 120). Mr. Waters likewise describes
the importance of this battle in the history of the English navy,
and for the art of navigation.
Cristóbal de Eraso's manuscript plan for the improved
ramparts of San Juan de Ulúa, c. 1570. [46]
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Cristóbal de Eraso's manuscript plan for a new fortress
at San Juan de Ulúa, c. 1570. [47]
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