Testimony
of Luis Gilberto Murillo-Urrutia
Former
Governor, State of Choco, Colombia
Senior
Fellow on International Policy
Phelps
Stokes Fund
Before
the
House
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee
on the Western Hemisphere
Hearing
on:
“U.S. – Colombia Relations”
April 24, 2007
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Members of
this distinguished Sub-Committee. My
name is Luis Gilberto Murillo-Urrutia. I am Colombian and now serve as Senior
Fellow on International Policy at Phelps Stokes Fund. Phelps Stokes Fund is a
nearly 100-year-old organization that seeks to promote justice through
education and leadership in communities of color globally.
I am very pleased to appear before this important
Subcommittee. Let me first express my appreciation to members of this
Subcommittee for their leadership and ongoing interest in Colombia. Also,
I am grateful to members of the Congressional Black Caucus for their steadfast
support to Afro-Colombians. As requested, my remarks this afternoon, from an
Afro-Colombian perspective, will focus on my assessment of the current U.S. policy toward Colombia,
the Colombian government’s efforts to reduce violence and to bring end to the
armed conflict, and the future of U.S.
assistance to Colombia.
1. The Armed Conflict in Colombia
Colombia’s current
armed conflict has been going on for almost 50 years, though many would say
much longer. This conflict is rooted in inequality, poverty, and the social,
political and economic exclusion of disadvantaged social groups in extensive
geographic areas of the country. In the last three decades these socio-economic
and political conditions created the right environment for drug trafficking to
emerge as one of the main drivers of Colombian crisis. The fighting between
leftist guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and
National Liberation Army (ELN), the right wing paramilitary, sometimes in
collusion with the Colombian Army, has caught most of the rural civilian
population in the crossfire. Thousands
Colombians have died as result of this conflict. Furthermore, the illegal
fighting factions hold about 11,000 child soldiers. Violence is the second
leading cause of death for Colombian children ages 5 to 14 years. The human
suffering created by this armed conflict is irreparable and unacceptable.
In addition, Colombia
has the second highest number of persons internally displaced by violence in
the world, only second to Sudan. Between 2 and 3 million people have been
displaced by violence according to the UNHCR, while the Catholic Church’s
Social Ministry and the nongovernmental Consultancy on Displacement and Human
Rights (CODHES) estimates, since 1985, more than 3.5 million Colombians have
been forced to flee their homes, farms, churches and communities – by violence.
Women, children, and marginalized ethnic and racial minorities suffer the most
from displacement. Humanitarian
assistance and aid to transition internally displaced persons (IDPs) into
self-sufficient economic activity is far from adequate: a study by the
Colombian government’s Inspector General’s Office and the Ombudsman’s Office
revealed that just 30 percent of households individually displaced between 1997
and 2004 and 8 percent of families displaced in large groups received emergency
assistance. The United Nations calls the IDP crisis in Colombia the worst humanitarian catastrophe in
the Western Hemisphere.
Women experience violence in many ways. They are
direct target of military and related actions, including sexual attacks. They
suffer when their husbands or sons, or increasingly daughters, are killed or
injured in combat. A large numbers of girls are forcibly recruited by illegal
armed groups and are forced into slavery-like conditions. Women and children are
increasingly becoming the recognized face of poverty, violence, displacement
and social exclusion in Colombia.
According to some statistics, more that 60 percent of internally displaced
women are unemployed and near 80 percent do not have health insurance. 44
percent of women internally displaced have suffered from intra-family violence,
18 percent during the pregnancy. The
Colombian conflict is disproportionately affecting women. Colombian society is
looking for ways to advance peace and attain the kind of security that will
really protect them.
2. The Impacts of Plan Colombia and Recent Political
Trends
U.S. policy towards Colombia has expressed itself mainly through the
multiyear Plan Colombia
(Andean Counter-drug initiative ACI) and the Andean Trade Preferences and Drug
Enforcement Act. Plan Colombia
was passed into law in 2000, with the stated objectives of strengthening
democracy, promoting human rights and the rule of law, fostering socio-economic
development, and reducing coca cultivation in Colombia. This plan has evolved
from being an exclusive anti-narcotics package to an anti-terror strategy. The
plan has had mixed results. By some measures, the security situation has
improved. The government maintains that the overall numbers of murders and kidnappings
have fallen. While nearly 200 of Colombia’s
1,092 counties lacked a police presence in 2002, all now have at least a small
contingent of police.
Despite these welcome gains, the stated objectives
of Plan Colombia
have not been achieved. A variety of
deeply disturbing trends illustrate this point. Eradication through aerial
fumigation of coca crops is the centerpiece of the U.S.
counter-drug strategy in Colombia.
Despite an unprecedented aerial spraying campaign, coca cultivation in Colombia, instead
of decreasing by 50 percent as projected, has increased. Cultivation is
spreading to new areas and returning to others previously cleared. This
situation suggests that a decrease in acres planted in one province, or indeed
in one country, is not a reliable indicator of drug policy success.
One major concern for Colombian society is the
infiltration of Colombian institutions by illegal armed groups. There are
multiple credible allegations of links between prominent national politicians,
businessmen, and high-ranking military with paramilitary groups. According to
recent reports, there is serious body of evidence of collaboration between
members of the Colombian parliament, governors, mayors, senior government
officials, and paramilitary commanders. Apparently, these alliances
orchestrated fraudulent elections and then went about infiltrating and stealing
from hospitals and other public institutions while assassinating hundreds of
adversaries. Eight prominent members of Congress have been jailed and many
others are under investigation, including the speaker of the House. While these investigations are a good step,
the United States
government should press for real results, including suspension from their posts
of those under investigation for very serious crimes, and arrests and
convictions.
Moreover, a number of national and U.S. based
companies has been accused of making payments to both paramilitaries and
guerrilla groups. Recently, Chiquita Brands
International admitted that it paid off a Colombian group on the U.S. terrorist
list. This has spotlighted a practice once denied in Colombia. Several other U.S.-based
corporations, including Atlanta-based Coca-Cola and the Alabama-based coal
company Drummond Co., face civil lawsuits alleging their Colombian operations
worked with an outlaw group to kill several trade unionists. This has focused
attention on the payoffs that Colombian and foreign companies make to the
illegal armed groups fighting the country's 50-year-old civil war, especially
in remote areas where those groups hold sway.
The government is carrying out an ambitious process
of demobilization of paramilitary groups. Nonetheless, new paramilitary
organizations are being created in many regions of the country, or old groups
never demobilized are emerging with new names.
This suggests that the structural conditions for the existence of these
criminal organizations are not being addressed properly. Nor has the Colombian government been
effective enough about fully dismantling paramilitary organizations. It is essential that the U.S. and
Colombian governments take seriously the continued threats to communities by
the rearmed or never demobilized paramilitary forces. The persistence of the internal armed
conflict implies that there is not an easy military solution to the Colombian
crisis.
Despite Colombian government efforts, the situation
for the most vulnerable Colombians located in certain regions of the country
has grown considerably worse. Both the Colombian and the U.S.
governments in their rhetoric do now recognize poverty and inequality as
central dimensions of the Colombian security problem. The meeting of Presidents
George Bush and Alvaro Uribe with Afro-Colombian leaders in a recent trip to
Bogotá confirms this proposition. However, government policy prescriptions—both
Colombian government policy and U.S.
aid-- have not done enough to address these factors.
As we have seen in other part of the world, military
means alone are not sufficient. You need to implement other political, economic,
and social measures, and these measures need to be sustained over the long
term. This brings me to the issue of Afro-Colombians as one of the best
representative cases.
3. The Social and
Economic Conditions of Afro-Colombians
Race and
ethnicity in Latin America are a significant
basis of social organization, status, and life chances. Racial discrimination
is a determinant factor of socio-economic inequality and political
marginalization. In this regard, Colombia is not an exception.
According to the limited quantitative data available in 1998, the Colombian
National Department of Planning stated that: “between 19 and 26 percent of the
44 million people in the country are African descendants. The World Bank put
this number between 20 and 25 percent. That is, between 8 and 11 million
Afro-Colombians. 82 percent of that population lives below the
poverty line of about 3 dollars a day, compared to the national average of near
50 percent. This population earns $500 USD per capita annually, compared to $1,900
USD for non-blacks. 74 percent of Afro-Colombian employees earn less than the
established legal minimum wage. Only 19 percent of Afro-Colombian households
have electricity, potable water and sanitation facilities, compared to a 62%
national average. In terms of health, 92 of every 1,000 Afro-Colombian children
die during the first year of life, compared to the national average of 20.”
With regards to education, the situation is not better. According to a
2005 World Bank report, only 18.7 percent of the Black student population in
the Pacific Coastal Region finished secondary school in 1997. Of those
students, just 17.8 percent entered a university and only 2.8 percent finished.
A report released by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the Colombian
government stated that, if additional government efforts were not present, the
largely Afro-Colombian area of Choco would need 30 years to catch up with
today’s Bogotá, in terms of education and health indicators.
In addition, according to a
recent study conducted by the Colombian Government’s National Institute of
Family Welfare and the University
of Antioquia,
malnutrition is severe in Afro-Colombian communities. In the case of the
Pacific Region, 33.7 percent of children under 5 years old, and 33.5 percent of
women between 13 and 49 years old, suffer from anemia. Last week, Colombian
society was shocked with the news that 37 children under 5 years of age had
died of malnutrition since January this year. Afro-Latinos in general and
Afro-Colombians in particular are living in extremely difficult social,
political, and economic conditions that prevent them from enhancing their
talents, potential, and overall well being.
4.
Afro-Colombians and the Armed Conflict: Implications for Development and Human Rights
As I mentioned before, the
Colombian internal armed conflict disproportionately
affects Afro-Colombians. They are caught in the crossfire, as paramilitaries
and guerrillas struggle for control over key drug and weapons smuggling
corridors and economic assets. The most brutal massacres committed by
paramilitary and guerrilla groups have taken place in Afro-Colombian
territories and regions. According to the National Association of
Afro-Colombians displaced by violence, 40 percent of the Internally Displaced
Persons (IDPs) in Colombia
were Afro-Colombians, especially in the department of Chocó and the Pacific Coast. Just last week, more than 8,000
Afro-Colombians were violently displaced in the Municipality of El Charco
(Department of Narino) due to combats between FARC guerrillas, paramilitaries,
and the Colombian Army. 47 percent of those displaced in El Charco are
women. Many Afro-Colombians have sought
refuge in neighboring countries like Ecuador,
Panama, and even Costa Rica. In
2002, 119 Afro-Colombians, most of them children, were killed inside a church
by the leftist FARC in combat with right-wing paramilitaries.
The Afro-Colombian future is being killed. In the
municipalities of Tumaco and Quibdo, and Buenaventura,
young Afro-Colombians are being either recruited by illegal armed actors or
killed. In April 1, 2005, twelve young Afro-Colombians, between 17 and 23 years
of age, were killed by paramilitaries (see the photo below) in Buenaventura, Colombia’s busiest port city. In
that Afro-Colombian city, bomb explosions and assassinations are a common
event. Just last week, 10 people died in the latest bomb explosion. According
to some non-governmental organizations, over 2,500 young Afro-Colombians were
killed between 2000 and 2005. Buenaventura well
could be called “the Baghdad of Colombia.”
Young
Afro-Colombians killed in a massacre in Buenaventura,
on April 1, 2005
On a personal note, last January 10th, my dear uncle
Elacio Murillo, who was a very well-known journalist and political activist was
killed in cold blood by emerging paramilitary groups that controls the region
of San Juan Baudo in Choco. This event was very painful for me and my family.
Cases like this are common in Afro-Colombian regions throughout the country.
Afro-Colombians do not feel more secured under democratic security
policies. To the contrary, the security,
human rights, and humanitarian situation in Afro-Colombian regions have
deteriorated.
During the past decade,
Colombia has been experiencing the paradox of, on the one hand, enjoying one of
the most advanced constitutional frameworks for the empowerment of citizenship
rights in general and ethnic rights in particular; and on the other hand,
suffering from the drawn out effects of endemic violence and armed conflict.
The Colombian political armed conflict has severe negative impacts on ethnic
groups. The isolated yet strategic
location of Afro-Colombian collective territories made these areas suitable for
illegal armed groups’ military operations. In many cases guerrillas and
paramilitaries in collusion with the Colombian Army have used communities as
human shield in their combats, as a consequence, violating international human
rights and international humanitarian law. Afro-Colombians who defend their
cultural and territorial autonomy have been classified as subversive and
therefore persecuted, displaced, disappeared and murdered.
5. Afro-Colombians, Environmental and Natural
Resources
At this point, descriptive information about the environment
is necessary, in order to understand some of the drivers of violence in
Afro-Colombian communities. Colombia
ranks third in the world for the most biodiversity. It has 65 different types
of ecosystems and 18 eco-regions. The diversity of its birds, amphibians, and
vascular plants is unparallel on the planet. With just 0.8 % of global land, it
has 15 % of all known territorial species. Also, it has close to a thousand
permanent rivers, making the fourth largest water supply in the world.
This ecological wealth is disappearing for several
factors: a) fighting factions in the armed conflict protect illicit and
illegitimate extractive activities; b) Colombia is increasing dependant on
extractive industries in order to finance its budget deficit. This industrial
sector is not well regulated, and even if it was, these activities could have
destructive impact on fragile ecosystems; c) Perverse incentives in the
agricultural sector have created a gap between the actual vocation of the land
and its use. This wealth of natural resources has the potential to play a
central role in poverty reduction, economic development and a peaceful
resolution of the conflict in ethnic territories, but at the same time it could
fuel violence and human rights violations.
Historically, the Afro-Colombian struggle for
justice and freedom has made emphasis on culture and territory. Land has been a
centerpiece of this struggle. In the 1991 Colombian Constitution Afro-Colombian
secured their cultural, territorial, and natural resources rights. These
constitutional provisions allowed Afro-Colombian communities to control access
to and management of natural resources according to their cultural traditions
and the social and ecological functions of these territories. These rights were
regulated through Law 70 of 1993, commonly known as The Black Community Law. As
a result, Afro-Colombian communities have legal ownership over 15 million acres
of land in the rich Pacific Coast of the country --that is, approximately 5
percent of Colombia’s
total territory.
These community collective lands are concentrated
where most of the country’s natural resources are located: tropical rainforest,
biodiversity, water, oil, gas, and mineral resources, such as gold. For
example, 60% of Colombian natural rainforest inventories are in ethnic
territories (Afro-Colombian and Indigenous). The presence of this natural
resource wealth on ethnic territories has led to conflicts with national and
transnational entities.
Economic,
military, and political interest are key factors in the displacement of
Afro-Colombians from their collective lands. According to several reports,
guerrilla and paramilitary groups in collusion with the Colombian Army have
displaced over 60% of the Afro-Colombian population from the collective
territories. For example 3,000 Afro-Colombians were displaced from the
communities of Curvarado and Jiguamiando from their communal land in Choco
(about 70,000 acres, equivalent to the urban area of Bogotá). Later the land
was taken over by palm oil companies with the support of paramilitaries. After
intense advocacy, the Colombian government, in an unprecedented decision,
committed to return the stolen land. However, this promise is far from
completely fulfilled, so international donors need to press the Colombian
government to keep its word.
Some analysts suggest that the violence in
Afro-Colombian regions can be explained as part of the escalation and
degradation of the armed conflict on the national level and the increasingly
fierce competition for territorial control; others add clear economic interest
in the resource and development potential of those regions. The armed dispute over Afro-Colombian
regions is not a coincidence; Colombia’s
natural resources have been one of the key factors fueling today’s armed
conflict.
Illegal armed actors control several illicit and
illegitimate extractive activities in the oil, mining, timber, narcotics and
agribusiness sectors. These activities drive the loss of biodiversity due to
the almost 221,000 hectares of tropical rainforest deforested every year. A
significant percentage of the rainforest destruction is happening to clear land
for growing coca, palm oil, and cattle ranching. Even worse than that, the current
environmental, security, and humanitarian situation have created serious
negative barriers preventing Afro-Colombians from securing their rights to
sustainable development.
6. The “Balloon” Effect of Plan Colombia in
Afro-Colombian Areas
The regional focus of Plan Colombia in the
South of the country, created a “balloon
effect” that affects Afro-Colombian rural communities. The pressure of
U.S.-funded aerial spraying on the Putumayo Department, moved coca crops
further west and north to Afro-Colombian and indigenous territories. For
example: in 2000, only 2 municipalities (counties) in the department of Chocó
registered some sort of coca crops; today almost all 31 municipalities in that
region have coca cultivation. This situation is destroying the traditional
cultures of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous communities. We may say that in part, the current human security situation for
Afro-Colombian communities is an unintended consequence of Plan Colombia.
It is very impressive that
despite the additional difficult situation generated by the political violence,
the Afro-Colombian social movements have continued advancing their political
agendas. Many of these processes happen
at the local and regional level. Afro-Colombians are increasingly assuming
leadership over their destiny within a very hostile environment. The creation
of nation-wide organizations like the Afro-Colombian National Conference, the
National Association of Afro-Colombians Displaced by Violence (AFRODES), the
National Association of Afro-Colombian Mayors (AMUNAFRO), the Washington D.C. –
based Afro-Latino Development Alliance, the Black Community Process (PCN), and
the AFROAMERICA XXI-Colombia, are examples of this vibrant emerging trend. This
creates the momentum for U.S.
policy to provide support for training emerging leaders, and strengthening the
current Afro-Colombian leadership. The United States now represents in global terms a
successful model for the inclusion of minorities into the mainstream of
society, there is much the United
States has to offer.
All this to say that the there is a pervasive lack of attention to racial,
ethnic, and sub-national dimensions in the analysis of the Colombian human
security crisis and the U.S.
policy towards this country. Colombia
is a racially and ethnically structured country in which race was regionalized;
therefore, race and regions should be central to any analysis of the Colombia’s
crisis.
7. Recommendations for a Future U.S. Policy towards Colombia
Colombia is at a crossroads of profound
transformations that can either go down the path of more impunity, violence and
social injustice, or help create a more peaceful and just political, social,
and economic system. Colombia is going through a difficult political storm and
US should sustain its support for the country, but this Congress should make it
clear that Colombian authorities need to put their house in order and to clean
up the country’s institutions infested by paramilitary infiltration, seriously
prosecute human rights violations at all levels, and provide robust support to
victims of the conflict.
No doubt that the Colombian political landscape is
changing rapidly. To ignore this shift and these disturbing trends would be
myopic. U.S. priorities must
shift too, if Plan Colombia
stated goals bolstering prosperity for all and reducing illicit drug
production, strengthening human rights and the rule of law, and fostering peace
are to be attained. Paraphrasing Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, U.S.
assistance to Colombia should focus on eliminating the most critical impediments to and
catalysts for long-term country progress; helping Colombians to move toward
peace, freedom, prosperity, and social justice. Police and military assistance,
with the highest human rights standards, is important to Colombian success, but
it is not sufficient. On that note let me suggest some recommendations. The
United States Congress should:
a. Plan Colombia –
Andean Counter-drug Initiative (ACI):
- In the
short run, shift the balance of the aid between the military and
socioeconomic components. At least 50 percent of the aid should be
allocated to the latter, through USAID. There is a need to respond to the
roots causes of the conflict and drug trafficking. The U.S.
government should scale up investment in the social and economic needs of
the Colombian population in neglected rural areas.
- In the
medium term, conduct a thorough evaluation of the impact of U.S. policy towards Colombia
since 2000. This assessment should go beyond drug trafficking and
counter-terrorism and include other components like poverty and
inequality, peace building, human rights and humanitarian issues,
environment, natural resources, and institutional building. This
evaluation should be the basis for a new U.S.
policy towards Colombia.
A
Congressional commission for that matter would be helpful.
- In the
long run, define a specific pro-peace agenda that support Colombian
society efforts to reach lasting peace through multiple negotiations. A
starting point would be to provide support to the paramilitary
disarmament, demobilization, and re-integration, with tough conditions, as
well to the peace process with the ELN and eventually negotiations of a
humanitarian accord with the FARC guerrilla group.
- Make U.S. foreign policy toward Colombia consistent with the new realities
on the ground and the interests of United States and Colombian
society. The paramilitary infiltration of the Colombian political system
is a fact that needs to be confronted vigorously. The United States
Government should give the highest priority to the provision of political
and financial support to the judicial system in Colombia in order to implement
anti-money laundering and the justice and peace laws in order to
effectively prosecute high profile cases of links between political,
business, and military elites with drug traffickers and illegal armed
groups.
- Fully
recognize the magnitude of the Colombian humanitarian crisis, particularly
in regions like the Pacific
Coast. It is
necessary an extra effort to locate and completely identified those who
disappeared and were killed by illegal armed groups. The U.S.
government should drastically increase and improve humanitarian
assistance, and expand protection, for internally displaced persons and
refugees. Aid to internally displaced persons (IDPs) is one of the most
positive elements of the current U.S. aid program and should be
continued and expanded. But the United States
must use its leverage to insist that the Colombian government improve the
national response to IDPs. It is
important that basic assistance programs targeting IDPs include assistance
to the urban poor living in the same areas as the displaced. To ensure that such programs effectively
meet their goals, leaders of IDP communities should participate in the
design and implementation of the programs. The U.S. and Colombian government
should strengthen meaningful consultation with IDP leaders in development
of overall policy. Lastly, within the framework of the paramilitary
demobilization, there must be an effective mechanism to ensure the return
of land or compensation to internally displaced persons.
- Expand
and improve alternative development within a comprehensive rural
development strategy, and end aerial spraying in order to address the
crisis in rural areas. Effective alternative development within a sound
overall rural development strategy is the most reliable approach for
sustainable, long-term results in drastically reducing coca cultivation.
During the last two years Colombian Government has scaled up manual
eradication. Last year alone near 50,000 hectares were eradicated and it
is planned to eradicate 60,000 this year. Manual eradication should not
proceed before viable development alternatives are available. Any rural
development strategy should be designed, implemented, and evaluated in a
participatory way.
- Focus
law enforcement efforts to combat illegal drugs up in the supply chain
where profits are concentrated, that is, on interdiction, disrupting
processing inputs, money laundering and trafficking, and destroying
coca-processing plants. Aerial spraying has weakened the Colombian
government’s standing among populations accustomed to living alongside
anti-government groups. It is a short-term fix with serious long-term
costs, undermining rural inhabitants’ trust in the state and increasing
support for the illegal armed actors. Moreover, aerial fumigations are
creating serious problems to the bilateral relations between Ecuador and Colombia.
- Encourage
Colombian government to strengthen civilian authorities in rural areas.
The strategy of state control over isolated areas is based on a
military-only approach, without a plan for extending civilian government
presence in areas long abandoned by the state. The United States
should encourage the Colombian Government to plan for and invest in the
extension of government services to rural conflict areas – including rural
police, courts, schools, public health services, and infrastructure.
Effective delivery of rural development, health and education services
would strengthen support for the Colombian state among the rural
population. In the long term, Colombia’s
major challenges of cutting drug production, permanently resolving the
conflict and reducing violence can only be achieved through equitable,
sustained rural development.
- Include
Afro-Colombian and Indigenous communities in the center of any debate
about development, peace, and security.
The United
States should specifically encourage
the incorporation of historically excluded Indigenous and Afro-Colombian
communities into the design and implementation of rural development
policies. Census data collection should be disaggregated by race to better
develop public policy to address the needs of ethnic minorities. Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities’
constitutionally-mandated control over their territories should be
enforced. The communities’ capacity
to administer their territories should be strengthened. To that end,
support leadership training and other capacity building actions for Afro-Colombian
and Indigenous local governmental authorities and civil society leaders.
The United States
should also encourage and provide funding through the Afro-Colombian and
indigenous authorities and organizations to complete the land titling
processes and fully implement law 70/93 (the Black Communities Law).
b. Refugee
and Asylum policies:
- Reconcile
refugee protection for Colombians and drug policy and security concerns.
This is one of the most restrictive climates in the history of the
international refugee regime. Such restrictions undermine the institution
of asylum. The US Patriot Act of
2001 and the REAL ID Act of 2005 included the so called “material
support provision” that has prevented thousands of persecuted refugees
in need of protection to get asylum and resettlement in the United States.
The interpretation of this provision and its waiver has prevented many
eligible Colombian refugees, who fled the terror of FARC and
paramilitaries, to be resettled or receive asylum status. This situation
needs to be fixed. United
States can ensure their own security
while preserving and strengthening the institutions of asylum.
- Encourage
the U.S.
administration to revisit the possibility of providing Temporary Protected
Status (TPS) for Colombians. Also, the U.S. government should stress with
Brazil, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Panama and Venezuela that all refugee returns
must be voluntary and should encourage them to work closely with the UNHCR
to strengthen refugee and asylum policy for Colombians. The United States
should increase its contribution to the UNHCR for Colombian refugee
assistance.
c. Trade
Policy and the U.S. - Colombia Trade
Promotion Agreement:
- Continue
with a unilateral trade policy towards Colombia reflected in the
extension of the Andean Trade Preferences and Drug Enforcement Act
(ATPDEA). On August 24, 2006, President Bush notified the Congress of his
intention to sign the U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement (CTPA). Some
analysts argue that the labor and environmental safeguards included in the
negotiated are insufficient or inappropriate. If not modified, the CTPA
may benefit those in Colombia
who obtained land violently and those criminal networks that may have
infiltrated legal sectors of the Colombian economy. The CTPA should be
carefully evaluated and negotiations need to be re-opened to include
specific mechanisms to screen land and other productive assets that could
be obtained through human rights violations.
- Incorporate
additional provisions that reflect the particular situation of Colombia
under the current political and socioeconomic realities. There is concern
that this agreement did not incorporate the particular concerns of
Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, given that they were never
consulted. Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities maintain that the
(CTPA) as negotiated will affect their ethnic and territorial rights,
especially in the area of intellectual property rights (biodiversity and
traditional knowledge), access to medicine, and labor standards
(enforcement of anti-racial and gender discrimination in employment).
- Make
trade policy consistent with drug eradication and human rights goals.
There has been little consideration of the agreement’s potential impact on
overall policy goals in Colombia.
For instance: there is concern that the (CTPA) will generate and expansion
of palm oil cultivation in Afro-Colombian territories. There is evidence
that pal oil companies, taking advantage of the vulnerability of
Afro-Colombian people, have been taking over lands illegally.
Conclusion
U.S. policy towards Colombia needs to be thoroughly
evaluated and restructured to include issues that have been overlooked.
Poverty, inequality, and inclusion of historically neglected regions and
disadvantaged groups, particularly Afro-Colombians and Indigenous, should be
incorporated. Also, a new policy towards Colombia should reflect the new
reality of a changed political and institutional context on the ground. This
policy should be mindful that the most potent challenge that Colombian society
has at this point is the need to clean the political and institutional system
from the pervasive influence of drug traffickers and illegal armed groups at
all levels.
Thank you for the
opportunity. I would be pleased to take
your questions.
Attached: Choco, territory of peace. Government
proposal, 1998
NOTE: This testimony relies on the following
sources:
1. Appiah, Anthony K. Gates,
Henry Louis. Africana: The Encyclopedia
of the African and African American Experience. 1999
2. Arriaga Copete, Libardo. Catedra de Estudios Afro-Colombianos. 2002
3. Arson, Cynthia J., ED. The Peace Process in Colombia with the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia
– AUC. Woodrow
Wilson International
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