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Africa- Blog VI

Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire
Written August 13, 2008

Cote d’Ivoire is better known as Ivory Coast. However, the government insists it is called by its French name, which is odd, given the French are currently persona non-grata in Cote d’Ivoire for reasons I will explain.

Things have been extremely complicated in Cote d’Ivoire since the fall of 2002 when civil war broke out between the North of the country and the South. People in the North believed they were being discriminated against politically and economically. I suppose there was a long history of tension, and what appears to have triggered it was a policy that eliminated many in the North as voters. Forces in the North, lead by a group of lower ranking military officials, attacked three cities in the South. They were turned back fairly quickly.

The government responded with an aggressive security operation, searching and burning shantytowns where the poor lived. The actions of the government caused the situation to explode throughout the country. It is often referenced as the Crisis of 2002.

Ultimately, the United Nations established a “Zone of Confidence” which separated the North and South and then, through the French government, a deal was brokered. Before the arrangement could begin to function, another incendiary event happened. A government aircraft bombed a French military installation in Bouake and killed nine French soldiers and one American civilian. The French retaliated by essentially destroying the entire Cote d’Ivoire Air Force. The country broke into violence again.

Things remained unstable until March of last year (2007) when President Gbagbo (the current President) and Guillaume Soro, then the leader of the Northern opposition, announced they had agreed to a peace agreement. The deal essentially provided for President Gbagbo, who is from the South, to remain as President, and Soro, who is from the North, to be Prime Minister.

As Prime Minister, Soro named a new Cabinet, consisting mostly of the Ministers from the previous Cabinet. The agreement called for the U.N. to eliminate the Zone of Confidence. The government called elections for November 30, 2008. Whether those elections will actually take place is hard to say. Apparently, there have been promises before that elections would be held, but they have been cancelled.

To his credit, Soro and his New Forces party have indicated they will not be contending for the Presidency this time around. However, with the two top leaders of the country representing different interests, it is safe to say progress is hard.

Cote d’Ivoire is one of the fifteen countries in the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). We spend about $120 million a year there. We represent nearly 70 percent of all money being spent on the problem there. I had three primary purposes to go there: First, to get a picture of how the money is being spent; second, to maintain our relationship with the leadership of Cote d’Ivoire; and lastly, to remind the citizens of their country of our nation’s contribution and interest in them.

I spent my first day in the capital of Abidjan and, as I typically do, met with the U.S. Embassy staff to be briefed on the current situation. I also met with HHS employees. We held a small celebration to commemorate twenty years of a CDC project on HIV/AIDS in Cote d’Ivoire.

I visited a clinic supported by PEPFAR funds where I met with HIV positive patients. Following a tour, I did a media event where I was publicly tested for HIV/AIDS. Getting tested always captures the media’s attention and, therefore, allows me to both emphasize U.S. involvement and also discuss the importance of being tested. The message is: Everybody needs to be tested. Know your status. HIV is not a death sentence if you seek treatment.

Secretary Leavitt getting tested for HIV/AIDS
Secretary Leavitt getting tested for HIV/AIDS

Following the media event, I met with a group of HIV positive patients. It is not hard to imagine their gratitude. It is openly expressed and heart felt. Literally, nearly two million people being treated would die without the treatment. The chance of them being treated without PEPFAR is remote.

Each one told me how devastated they felt upon hearing the news of their positive test and then how, slowly, their hope returned as they learned about treatment options and got to know other people who were struggling like they were.

At the conclusion of my meeting with patients, I met a woman I would judge to be in her late twenties or early thirties. I could tell she was terrified to speak, but did anyway. She explained that even though the PEPFAR made the drugs available, the price was high enough that it was making it difficult for her to buy food.

I know nothing about her situation and therefore can’t make a judgment about the truth of her statement, but the conversation was important, because it called to my attention that the government had adopted a policy of charging for the drugs we give them. Upon inquiry later, I found that the government was not being transparent on what the money was being used for. I committed to address it with the Prime Minister later in the day.

Prime Minister Soro is a young man. I’m guessing late thirties or early forties. He was part of the rebel movement in the North and then was invited into the government. He was in and out of government as the tensions ebbed and flowed, but ultimately was the organizing force around which the deal was made with President Gbagbo. I would guess Soro will emerge as a candidate for President in a future election.

Our meeting consisted of an agenda of diplomatic expressions with the exception of my pressing him on the issue of charging for HIV/AIDS drugs that the U.S. provides for free. I don’t think he was aware of it. Cote d’ Ivoire has both a Minister of Health and a Minister for HIV/AIDs. It seems like a rather unusual arrangement. They were both in the room and I hope the conversation resonated with them. It is something that needs to change before we do allocations for the next round of PEPFAR.

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