Mr. DODD. Mr. President, yesterday I did not speak on the pending Bosnia resolutions in order to permit the Senate to finish its consideration of this important matter prior to the formal signing of the Dayton Agreement in Paris early this morning.

However, I wanted to take this opportunity to express my thoughts on what transpired yesterday.

Yesterday, Mr. President, the Senate went on record as to whether this institution supports the President's decision to participate in the Bosnian peace initiative. In fact, I believe that we went on record on matters much broader and more significant than that. We went on record as to whether we in the United States Senate support peace in Bosnia or war? Whether we support the continuation of American leadership in the world or the abdication of that leadership? Whether we support a post-cold-war international order that is governed by the rule of law or the force of arms?

To some, this may seem a rather simplistic summary of what the debate over the last several days was all about. But, I would say to my colleagues, when you boil it all down, that is what we were really talking about.

The war that has raged in Bosnia for nearly 4 years has been one of unspeakable atrocities; of torture, internment, rape, execution, of ethnic cleansing and genocide. More than a quarter of a million people have lost their lives. Millions more have been made refugees--many within the borders of their own country. Once stable multiethnic towns and villages have become flaming infernos as opposing Moslem, Serb, and Bosnian forces have sought revenge against one other.

Regardless of one's views on the various resolutions we will vote on, I know that our shared hopes and prayers are that the Dayton peace accord--brokered by the United States, and agreed to by all the warring factions--will once and for all bring to a close this bloody chapter of Bosnia's history.

I believe that the Dayton peace agreement contains the essential ingredients to facilitate the writing of a new, hopefully brighter chapter for the people of Bosnia.

These elements include: Bosnia preserved as a single State, within its present internationally recognized borders; the country subdivided into two juridical entities--the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Srpska; an agreed cease-fire line, the separation of opposing forces on either side of this line, and the establishment of a demilitarization zone; the creation of a 60,000-person peace implementation force, under NATO command, to monitor and enforce the military aspects of the agreement; internationally supervised democratic elections for President and Parliament to be conducted within a year; freedom of movement of all Bosnian citizens; independent monitoring of human rights of all Bosnians; the establishment of an internationally trained civilian police force; and a commitment by all parties to cooperate with the activities of the War Crimes Tribunal.

Clearly the implementation of the military aspects of this agreement are critical to the success or failure of the other elements of the peace plan. And, U.S. participation in the implementation force is pivotal in that regard. But, it is important to keep in mind that while

U.S. participation is essential, we will not be alone in the effort to implement the agreement--more than 25 countries have pledged to participate as well and will provide two-thirds of the 60,000-person implementing force.

While the Dayton Agreement has been well crafted, it is by no means 100-percent guaranteed to be successful--no agreement of this kind falls into that category. However, every effort has been made to minimize the chance of failure. Each and every American soldier who goes to Bosnia will be well trained and well armed to face any eventuality. The leaders of Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia have also pledged to ensure the safety and security of the implementing force.

However, Mr. President, I think it would be unrealistic to promise the American people that there will be no casualties incurred during Operation Joint Endeavor. That is a promise that is not, unfortunately, totally within our power to fulfill.

Ultimately the success or failure of the Bosnian peace agreement will depend upon the willingness of the governments of Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia to live up to their commitments to each other and to the international community. Without question, U.S. involvement will heighten the prospects for compliance by all parties and lessen the possibility that the Balkans will once again become engulfed in war. On the other hand, if the United States stands on the sidelines at this crucial moment, the renewal of armed conflict is all but assured.

Many of my colleagues have mentioned in the course of this debate that public opinion polls suggest that the American people do not currently support the deployment of United States troops to Bosnia. To them I would say, there is nothing novel about that. The public was initially quite negative about U.S. participation in the Persian Gulf war and only when Operation Desert Storm was up and running did the public mood shift.

It is no secret that the American people have always cared more about what happens at home than abroad and have sometimes been slow to appreciate the ramifications of international events on their own domestic security and prosperity. It is the responsibility of the President and other political leaders to explain to our citizens why a particular course of action is ultimately in the interest of this country.

President Clinton has endeavored to explain the various United States interests at stake in the Bosnian peace process. I believe he has done a very credible job of making the case for the difficult decision he has made. On November 27, President Clinton went directly to the American people to explain why he is prepared to participate in the quest for peace in Bosnia.

During that address he put the matter very succinctly:

In Bosnia, a terrible war has challenged our interests and troubled our souls. Our interests are plain. The cause is right. Our mission will be clear, limited and achievable. The people of Bosnia, our NATO allies and people around the world are looking to America for leadership. Let us lead. That is our responsibility as Americans.

I agree with the President that the rest of the world looks to the United States for leadership. We cannot and should not answer every call for U.S. assistance. It is up to us, of course, to decide whether it is in our national interest to assume a leadership role in any particular situation. In the case of Bosnia, the situation is clear--United States leadership is essential.

I commend this body for taking the action that it did yesterday, in voting in support of the Dole/McCain resolution. We did what was critical--we sent a clear signal to the world that we are united as a nation in our resolve to support peace in Bosnia, and that we stand full square behind the men and women of our Armed Forces as they commence their mission of peace in the coming days.

With that affirmative vote we did not simply give peace a chance in Bosnia. We did far more. We reaffirmed our position as a world leader and strengthened the rule of law in the post-cold-war era. I am proud of what the Senate accomplished last night.

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