Globe/World

Globe, literal
Globe, figurative

States

States, general
State with Battle Flag
Afghanistan
Iraq
Italy
Kashmir
Kuwait
Palestine
Saudi Arabia

Flags, Currencies, and Foreign Symbols

White Flag - al-liwaa
Green Flag, general
Green Flag, Saudi
Flags Combined
American Flag
Stars and Stripes
American Flag with Star of David
Star of David
British Flag
Foreign Currency
Inverted Currency

Holy Places

Holy Places, general
Dome of the Rock
Al-Aqsa Mosque
Kaaba

Significant Events

Important Defeats
Important Victories

Jihadi visual propaganda uses the globe, or Earth, to globalize specific issues and conflicts, as well as to articulate the global aims of particular groups.  In the primary image selected (below left), we see the globe as a background with Saudi Arabia at its center.  Specific jihadi leaders and martyrs are superimposed on the globe, with Osama bin Laden firing a rifle in the center.  This image uses the globe to highlight the global aims and success of al-Qaeda, as well as to suggest the importance of the jihadist struggle in Saudi Arabia as part of the greater (i.e. global) jihadi struggle.

Figurative, or abstracted, globes are also common in jihadi propaganda.    All of these motifs combine to suggest an Islamic centered, jihadi organization with specifically global—as opposed to national or regional—aims.  The image below is the logo for the Global Islamic Media Front, which is one of the most active and prolific jihadi propaganda organizations on the Internet.

Jihadi imagery often nationalizes its goals by isolating a theatre of jihad and representing it as a “stand-alone” entity.  Depicting a state or country alone, without bordering countries or bodies of water, emphasizes the national context and scope of that specific regional jihad.  While jihadi rhetoric often speaks of transnational and global goals (e.g. defeat of the west, defeat of capitalism, establishment of a caliphate, or the establishment of a pan-Islamic state), jihadi imagery often speaks in nationalized terms, and does so to present a more comprehensible goal to its audience. 

In the images selected, the countries of Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia are shown with battle flags “planted” in each state.  This designates them as important theatres for jihad, and implies a national obligation to join the jihad in order to establish a “true” Islamic state.  By highlighting these states in relation to the rest of the world, the propagandists are attempting to show that Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia are integral pieces (or perhaps the first stages) of a larger, global jihad.

Afghanistan has been an important country for the jihadi movement since the Soviet invasion of 1979, and it has become increasingly significant following the American invasion of 2001. 

In the primary example below, Afghanistan is highlighted within the context of a political map.  To the left of Afghanistan is a picture of Mullah Omar, the spiritual and political head of the Taliban.  It is important to note that the country names on the map are in English, not in Arabic script.  The use of English text prevents this image from being associated with a specific ethnic group (e.g. Pushtuns, Arabs, Tajiks, etc.), thereby avoiding the alienation of another.  English text could also serves as a means of communication with the West and Muslims living in the West. 

Acontextualized images of the Iraqi state are common in jihadi imagery.  In the primary example below, Iraq is shown in isolation, a black flag planted in its soil.  A jihadi militant towers over the country whose cities are indicated in English (an unusual choice.  Overall, the image emphasizes the national context of the Iraqi jihad and, by placing a comparatively gigantic jihadi militant on top of Iraq, inflates the success and power of the jihadi insurgency. 

In this image, we see the black flag “stabbed” into the center of Italy.  The Arabic script on the picture of Italy simply reads: al-italya (Italy) and ruma (Rome).  On the right side of the image is an emblem that reads al-khilafa (The Caliphate) in Arabic calligraphy.  At the top of the image is a line from the Koran (Q: 24:55) which reads: “God has promised to make those of you who believe and do the right, leaders in the land, as He had made those before them . . .”.  Combined, the internal symbology of this image suggests three things: 1) That Italy is specifically identified as a place against (or within) which waging jihad is not only legitimate, but necessary.  2) The Koranic passage suggests that this jihad will be a victorious one and that those involved (i.e. righteous Muslims) will ultimately take (figurative or literal) power.  3) These first two points are clarified in the third, namely the re-establishment of the Caliphate. 

The conflict surrounding Kashmir is a key theme in jihadi propaganda.  Kashmir is used as a rallying cry to elicit support for what is considered to be an important Muslim struggle. 

 In the images below, the region of Kashmir is removed from its context and “unified” into a single entity.  In the image on the left, Kashmir is overflowing with blood, emphasizing the perceived oppression and injustice wrought on the Kashmiri people by the occupying governments (especially India). 

In the secondary example, Kashmir is shown in regional context with the word “Kashmir” stretched across the divided territories to imply that the two halves are in fact one nation.

In this image, Kuwait is highlighted as a jihadi target.  While jihadi internet sites often focus on major theaters of conflict such as Afghanistan and Iraq, jihadi groups also have aims in seemingly stable countries.  This image exemplifies the way in which jihadis attempt to destabilize countries that do not seem to be affected by jihadi activism.  The implication is that every country or region is susceptible to jihadi activism, and could be the next object of similar jihadi propaganda.

Palestine

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Key jihadi strategists have referred to the Palestinians’ quest for statehood as “the mother of all Islamic causes.”   Many Muslims view the situation in the West Bank and Gaza as at best an indication of Western indifference to Muslim suffering, and at worst, as proof of a Western-Crusader-Jewish alliance to destroy Islam and Muslims.  Therefore, Palestine and Palestinians have great resonance among Muslims, and serve to produce sentiments of Islamic nationalism.  For example, images of stone-throwing youth are synonymous with resistance to tyranny, and jihadi propagandists use images of Palestine and Palestinians to associate themselves with the broader interests of the Muslim community.   

In the primary example below, the country of Israel and the Occupied Territories are represented as a single entity, without political or geographical context.  It should be noted that Israel, as a country or political entity, does not exist in this image.  Additionally, the country is shaded green, and the Dome of the Rock is superimposed on top.  Both of these motifs (the color green and the Dome) give this image an explicitly Islamic “coloring”.  Thus, this image expresses both nationalistic and Islamic connotations. 

The Arabian Peninsula is the birthplace of Islam and home to its two most holy places. Therefore, issues surrounding the governance and policies of the Saudi government appear frequently in jihadi propaganda, which often utilizes religious arguments to advocate jihad against the ruling regime. The al-Saud dynasty is one of the “near enemies” of jihadi groups.

The primary example provided below is the logo for the jihadi group al-Tajdid al-Islami.  The country is shaded green, with a black flag and cross swords superimposed over top.  This combination of Islamic symbols and motifs establishes the overt jihadi message of the image and the group that it represents.  Notice that Saudi Arabia is not represented by the Arabian Peninsula, but rather by its political borders.  This highlights the national focus of al-Tajdid al-Islami, and suggests their desire to establish an Islamist state in Saudi Arabia.

In the Islamic tradition, the Prophet Muhammad used the white flag (al-liwaa) to represent both the leader of the Muslim army and the first Muslim state.  It bears the same inscription as the black flag, which is the Muslim proclamation of faith (shahada).  In jihadi propaganda, the white flag is usually used synonymously with the black flag; however, it has less overt militant connotations.  The white flag is most often used to evoke the Prophet and the idea of establishing an Islamic state.  With regards to the latter, the Taliban used the white flag as the official flag for their briefly recognized state.  The white flag is also used in scenes depicting a pre-modern setting, and in this sense has strong Salafi connotations.

The green flag generally includes the same text as the black and the white flags, namely the Muslim proclamation of faith (shahada).  The color green is considered to be the color of the Prophet Muhammad.  In this regard, green flags (regardless of the text) always conjure up historical, genealogical, and religious notions of the Prophet and Islam.  The standard green flag (with shahada) is also linked to the Prophet’s time and is said to represent springtime and the growth (i.e. advancement) that occurs therein.  Thus, it is a more optimistic flag, and one that speaks to both the Islamic nature of the enterprise and its success.  The green flag is often used synonymously with the black and white flags in jihadi imagery, although it has a less overt militant (or jihadist) message than the black flag, and is slightly less state-oriented than the white flag.  The general green flag should not be confused with the Saudi flag, which is very similar, but also features a curved sword below the Arabic calligraphy.  Green flags may also include text other than the shahada.

The Saudi Arabian flag is very similar to the generic green flag. Unlike the universal green flag, however, the Saudi flag includes a curved sword underneath the Arabic calligraphy.  The Saudi flag is also common in jihadi imagery, but it is always used as a direct reference to Saudi Arabia.  It can be used in conjunction with other motifs to symbolize struggle against the Saudi royal family, or it can be used to identify the jihadi struggle within Saudi Arabia.

In jihadi propaganda, political symbols are often combined in such a way as to create literal and symbolic connections between them.  In the case of flags, this is often done in reference to jihadi campaigns taking place in different locations. 

In the examples given, the Palestinian and Iraqi flags are brought together with the Arabic word shahada, here meaning both “testimony” and “martyrdom.”  In this manner, the Palestinian and Iraqi conflicts, which stem from very different political situations, are united in representation of the larger jihadi struggle.  The goal is that the audience should recognize these conflicts as “jihadi” and “Islamic,” not merely political or nationalistic. 

The American flag is used liberally in jihadi propaganda, always evoking the unpopular sentiment surrounding U.S. foreign policy and military campaigns. 

Equally as common, if not more so than the actual U.S. flag, is the Stars and Stripes motif.  The Stars and Stripes are often used to “color” other important motifs or symbols, thereby linking them to U.S. foreign policy, politics, and military intervention in the Muslim world. 

In the first image selected, the Stars and Stripes are used to “color” a cross.  The image itself is a comment on the Abu Ghraib abuses, and the Arabic text at the top of the image states:  “a story of a captive of the Crusaders.”  In this manner, the propagandists explicitly link—both textually and symbolically—the U.S. occupation of Iraq and the Abu Ghraib abuses with Christianity and the Crusades.  This conjures up the historical memory of the Crusades, and frames the U.S. occupation of Iraq as a form of neo-Crusading: i.e. a renewed war instigated by the Christian West against the Muslim East. 

Similarly, the next image uses the cross and the Stars and Stripes to “color” the phrase: “Martyr of Duty.” 

From the perspective of the Muslim world, the United States and Israel are equally responsible for the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory.  To this end, jihadists often employ American and Jewish symbols together to comment on the situation in Gaza and the West Bank.

The Star of David is always used explicitly in reference to the Israeli occupation of Palestine.  By extension, it also evokes fears of a greater Jewish conspiracy and a general anti-Semitism. 

In the primary example below, the Star of David is represented as a stone that is crushed by a rifle and a green flag that reads “Gaza.”  The text to the right of the flag reads “Liberation....” Thus, in this image the propagandists are able to invert the power dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and evoke a sense of impending and eventual victory. [Note: this image was posted on the internet over a year before the Israeli withdrawal of the Gaza Strip.]

In the second example, the Star of David is employed with various other symbols to show that the religions or organizations represented by these symbols are threats to Islam. 

The Union Jack is used less frequently in jihadi propaganda than are the American and Israeli flags.  It is usually meant as a reference to the foreign policy and military deployments of the U.K., especially British support and involvement in the current war in Iraq.  The Union Jack is also used in reference to domestic jihadi activities and concerns, as well as in reference to specific groups operating in the United Kingdom.  

In the image show below, the Union Jack appears in one side of a pair of hand cuffs that is locked around a microphone.  In this manner, the U.K. is shown to be holding back or preventing the “Islamic Renewal” that is advocated by the group that created the image.

All Jihadi propaganda plays on popular sentiments in the Muslim world, one of which is the belief that the U.S. and other Western powers are only concerned with the Middle East because of its oil deposits.   Many Muslims believe that Western society is greedy and materialistic, and that Westerners are slaves to money.  Jihadi propagandists use the motif of foreign currency as a means of capitalizing on these sentiments.  Although the U.S. dollar is the most common currency motif, other western and global currencies also appear. 

In the primary image below, the currencies of the US, Canada, England, France, Germany, the Netherlands and others are used as a backdrop to Arabic text that invokes jihad.  This image, created by two Iraqi groups, uses foreign currency to evoke the sentiment that the West is the major enemy of Islam and Iraq.

Foreign currency, especially the U.S. dollar, is perceived as a symbol of Western power and dominance.  Its inversion (or reconfiguration) allows jihadi groups to associate themselves with the same perceptions of power and dominance. 

There are many buildings, shrines, monuments, tombs, and mosques associated with important holy figures in the Islamic tradition.  Reverence for many of these are shared by all Muslims across sectarian lines, while others hold special significance only for certain groups—such as the tombs of the Holy Imams for the Shiites, and tombs of sheikhs for particular Sufi groups.  Regardless of the nature of these monuments, almost all of them have religious as well as national and regional significance to Muslim peoples, and can be invoked to draw upon both loyalties.  For instance, while the Dome of the Rock is recognized and revered by all Muslims, regardless of sect, it is also a powerful symbol of Palestinian national identity.  Likewise, the tomb of the Imam Husayn in Karbala is an important monument for most Muslims, but it is of particular value to Shiites worldwide, and its image can be employed as a Shiite-centric symbol of Iraqi nationality.

The Dome of the Rock was built on the site where Muslims believe the Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven in his miraj or Night Journey, and it is considered the third holiest site in Islam.  It is often used as both a pan-Islamic and Palestinian national symbol, however, it is perhaps most recognizable and important as a motif used by militant Palestinian groups.  It can be used as a symbol of Palestine as a whole, or it can be used as a religiously inspirational symbol for jihadi activism, such as martyrdom.  In one of the images provided, the Dome is used as the background for the headshot of a jihadi martyr.  In this manner, jihadi groups such as the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade employ the Dome to evoke both a sense of national duty and religious sacrifice.  The Dome, paired with the photos of martyrs, also legitimizes the actions of these militants by linking them with Islam and the memory of the Prophet Muhammad.

The Al-Aqsa Mosque, which is adjacent to the Dome of the Rock and conjures up many of the same associations, is used extensively in jihadi imagery produced by Palestinian groups.  Unlike the Dome of the Rock, however, the Al-Aqsa Mosque is generally not used as a pan-Islamic symbol, but rather is almost always employed as an Islamic symbol of Palestinian national identity.  It is used in imagery with a more internal, or Palestinian-centered, purpose.  In one of the examples provided, the Al-Aqsa Mosque is used as background for photos of martyred Palestinian militants.  This image exemplifies how the image of the Al-Aqsa Mosque is usually employed in Palestinian jihadi propaganda.

The Kaaba in Mecca is the symbolic and literal center of the Islamic faith for all Muslims, and it is a common motif in jihadi imagery.  It is the single most important, and holiest, site in Islam and evokes the strongest sense of Islamic identity and tradition across all Muslim sects and groups.  Although it is inherently pan-Islamic, the Kaaba can also be employed to draw attention to issues concerning Saudi Arabia.  Use of the Kaaba motif may also internationalize, or pan-Islamize, specific Saudi-centered jihadi concerns, such as the “occupation” of the Saudi holy sites by American forces during the first Gulf War. 

In the primary image provided, the Kaaba is combined with other symbols, such as Osama bin Laden, minarets, a gun, the Koran, and an a-contextual political outline of Saudi Arabia, to evoke a sense of piety and duty in the twin causes of “jihad and dawa’ (literally “calling”, i.e. the proselytizing of Islam).”  In the process, it associates bin Laden and al-Qaeda with the most Holy site in Islam, thereby indicating their religious piety and association with the divine. 

Jihadi propaganda frequently reminds its audience of important political and violent events.  These images draw attention to events that have helped to shape the current jihadi movement, and they allow the propagandists to reinterpret these events through their own ideological and cultural frameworks.  A key example of this is the way in which jihadi groups present past and contemporary defeats to their audiences as examples of violent oppression and injustice inflicted upon the Muslim world by the Christian West.  These defeats could range from historical events like the crusades to more modern conflicts like the Russian military intervention in Grozny in 1991.  The images remind the audience of instances where Muslims fought but were defeated, and this may serve as justification for past, current, and future jihadi activism.  There is also an implication that more fighters are needed to avoid such defeats in the future.  The examples below refer to Grozny and Falluja. 

Jihadi propaganda often marks important violent events in order to establish these events as key milestones that shape the current jihadi movement.  These events are then reinterpreted to match the jihadists’ assertion that these events were successful.  These “successes,” which can range from suicide bombings to large-scale terrorist attacks, are presented to the audience as examples of jihadi victory against much stronger and more powerful Western forces.  Propagandists often exaggerate and inflate these events, and portray them as evidence of the imminent victory of jihadist Islam over Western imperialism and secularism.  These events are used to promote faith and confidence in the jihadi enterprise, as well as to inspire others to join in the growing success of the jihadi movement.