The Census 2000 figures have been released for South Carolina. The official headcount indicates our state's population has grown to over four million, although that number is probably well under the exact population due to the undercount. Although I have sponsored legislation seeking to use adjusted census figures to allocate federal funds, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that actual raw census data must be used for reapportioning Congressional districts, and states will likely follow suit in drawing their House and Senate districts as well.
When considering reapportionment, the census figures indicate that South Carolina must renew its commitment to insuring minority representation. The Hispanic population is growing significantly. In fact the number of Latinos here has tripled since the 1990 census. African-Americans continue to make up 30% of the state's population. The 2000 census also bolstered a trend that I have been noticing around South Carolina. Communities are becoming more integrated with fewer and fewer pockets of all white or black neighborhoods. This is especially true in urban areas.
Our state legislative districts provide compelling evidence of this shift. The five House districts that fall the farthest short of their target population after the 2000 census are all black-majority districts. Seth Whipper's North Charleston district, Brenda Lee's Spartanburg district, Floyd Breeland's Charleston district, and Todd Rutherford's and Joe Brown's Columbia districts range from 20% to 38% below the target population. It is no accident that four of the five Senate seats that need to add significant numbers are also black majority districts. Robert Ford's Charleston district, Darrell Jackson's Columbia district, Maggie Glover's Florence district, and John Matthew's Orangeburg County district are 12% to 18% short of the ideal population.
These districts all represent a portion of metropolitan areas that once had several predominantly black, inner-city neighborhoods. But over the last decade a transformation has taken place. Those who once lived in moderate income, inner-city communities have moved to the suburbs. The census figures bear that out. The House and Senate seats that now far exceed the target population are in suburban areas. For instance, Bill Cotty's House district, which covers Northeast Richland County, surpasses the magic number by 57%. That is a very mixed race, middle to upper income area that has grown exponentially over the last decade.
It is no coincidence that this population redistribution is occurring when more blacks are holding offices. With more representation comes more advocacy and a greater public acceptance for minorities in all walks of life.
I know that my focus as a Member of Congress has been to reverse the statistics constantly associated with the Sixth Congressional District -- the highest unemployment and infant mortality - the lowest education attainment and per capita income. I believe my representation, and that of minorities on the state and local levels, have helped to improve the quality of life in our districts and enabled African Americans to enter the middle and upper income levels in record numbers. Because of this success, however, there are fewer pockets of predominantly black residents. And as the General Assembly seeks to redraw district lines, their ability to draw black majority districts will become more difficult. In light of the success black elected officials have had, it is imperative that the Legislature find alternate ways to insure that significant minority representation continues.
My plan to create multi-member districts with proportional voting is a viable solution. In urban areas, rich with diverse cultures, we can create House districts with three representatives and three times the population of a single member district. The land mass covered will not be unwieldy in highly populated areas, and all residents there will have fair opportunity to elect someone who looks like them. I advocate employing cumulative voting for these districts, in which voters will have three ballots to cast. They can divide them up among three candidates, disperse them between two candidates, or pool them and give all three votes to the same person. This method has the desired affect of creating the opportunity for minority representation without having to create black majority districts.
As the legislature sits down to consider reapportionment, I think it ought to look at alternate ways to achieve a General Assembly that looks like the people of South Carolina. And I once again urge the legislators to consider multi-member districts that utilizes cumulative voting. The people of South Carolina would be the ultimate beneficiaries.
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U.S. Congressman 
