[DOCID: f:hd001.110]
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110th Congress, 1st Session - - - - - - - - - - - - House Document 110-1
STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGE
__________
MESSAGE
from
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
transmitting
A REPORT ON THE STATE OF THE UNION
<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT>
January 29, 2007.--Message and accompanying papers referred to the
Committee on the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to
be printed
To The Congress of the United States:
Thank you very much. Tonight, I have a high privilege and
distinct honor of my own--as the first President to begin the
State of the Union message with these words: Madam Speaker.
In his day, the late Congressman Thomas D'Alesandro, Jr.,
from Baltimore, Maryland, saw Presidents Roosevelt and Truman
at this rostrum. But nothing could compare with the sight of
his only daughter, Nancy, presiding tonight as Speaker of the
House of Representatives. Congratulations.
Two members of the House and Senate are not with us
tonight--and we pray for the recovery and speedy return of
Senator Tim Johnson and Congressman Charlie Norwood.
Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress,
distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:
This rite of custom brings us together at a defining hour--
when decisions are hard and courage is tested. We enter the
year 2007 with large endeavors underway, and others that are
ours to begin. In all of this, much is asked of us. We must
have the will to face difficult challenges and determined
enemies--and the wisdom to face them together.
Some in this Chamber are new to the House and Senate--and I
congratulate the Democratic majority. Congress has changed, but
our responsibilities have not. Each of us is guided by our own
convictions--and to these we must stay faithful. Yet we are all
held to the same standards, and called to serve the same good
purposes: To extend this Nation's prosperity . . . to spend the
people's money wisely . . . to solve problems, not leave them
to future generations . . . to guard America against all evil,
and to keep faith with those we have sent forth to defend us.
We are not the first to come here with government divided
and uncertainty in the air. Like many before us, we can work
through our differences and achieve big things for the American
people. Our citizens don't much care which side of the aisle we
sit on--as long as we are willing to cross that aisle when
there is work to be done. Our job is to make life better for
our fellow Americans, and help them to build a future of hope
and opportunity--and this is the business before us tonight.
A future of hope and opportunity begins with a growing
economy--and that is what we have. We are now in the 41st month
of uninterrupted job growth--in a recovery that has created 7.2
million new jobs . . . so far. Unemployment is low, inflation
is low, and wages are rising. This economy is on the move--and
our job is to keep it that way, not with more government but
with more enterprise.
Next week, I will deliver a full report on the state of our
economy. Tonight, I want to discuss three economic reforms that
deserve to be priorities for this Congress.
First, we must balance the Federal budget. We can do so
without raising taxes. What we need to do is impose spending
discipline in Washington, DC. We set a goal of cutting the
deficit in half by 2009--and met that goal 3 years ahead of
schedule. Now let us take the next step. In the coming weeks, I
will submit a budget that eliminates the Federal deficit within
the next 5 years. I ask you to make the same commitment.
Together, we can restrain the spending appetite of the Federal
Government, and balance the Federal budget.
Next, there is the matter of earmarks. These special
interest items are often slipped into bills at the last hour--
when not even C-SPAN is watching. In 2005 alone, the number of
earmarks grew to over 13,000 and totaled nearly $18 billion.
Even worse, over 90 percent of earmarks never make it to the
floor of the House and Senate--they are dropped into Committee
reports that are not even part of the bill that arrives on my
desk. You did not vote them into law. I did not sign them into
law. Yet they are treated as if they have the force of law. The
time has come to end this practice. So let us work together to
reform the budget process . . . expose every earmark to the
light of day and to a vote in Congress . . . and cut the number
and cost of earmarks at least in half by the end of this
session.
Finally, to keep this economy strong we must take on the
challenge of entitlements. Social Security and Medicare and
Medicaid are commitments of conscience--and so it is our duty
to keep them permanently sound. Yet we are failing in that
duty--and this failure will one day leave our children with
three bad options: huge tax increases, huge deficits, or huge
and immediate cuts in benefits. Everyone in this Chamber knows
this to be true--yet somehow we have not found it in ourselves
to act. So let us work together and do it now. With enough good
sense and good will, you and I can fix Medicare and Medicaid--
and save Social Security.
Spreading opportunity and hope in America also requires
public schools that give children the knowledge and character
they need in life. Five years ago, we rose above partisan
differences to pass the No Child Left Behind Act--preserving
local control, raising standards in public schools, and holding
those schools accountable for results. And because we acted,
students are performing better in reading and math, and
minority students are closing the achievement gap.
Now the task is to build on this success, without watering
down standards . . . without taking control from local
communities. . . and without backsliding and calling it reform.
We can lift student achievement even higher by giving local
leaders flexibility to turn around failing schools. . . and by
giving families with children stuck in failing schools the
right to choose something better. We must increase funds for
students who struggle--and make sure these children get the
special help they need. And we can make sure our children are
prepared for the jobs of the future, and our country is more
competitive, by strengthening math and science skills. The No
Child Left Behind Act has worked for America's children--and I
ask Congress to reauthorize this good law.
A future of hope and opportunity requires that all our
citizens have affordable and available health care. When it
comes to health care, government has an obligation to care for
the elderly, the disabled, and poor children. We will meet
those responsibilities. For all other Americans, private health
insurance is the best way to meet their needs. But many
Americans cannot afford a health insurance policy.
Tonight, I propose two new initiatives to help more
Americans afford their own insurance. First, I propose a
standard tax deduction for health insurance that will be like
the standard tax deduction for dependents. Families with health
insurance will pay no income or payroll taxes on $15,000 of
their income. Single Americans with health insurance will pay
no income or payroll taxes on $7,500 of their income. With this
reform, more than 100 million men, women, and children who are
now covered by employer-provided insurance will benefit from
lower tax bills.
At the same time, this reform will level the playing field
for those who do not get health insurance through their job.
For Americans who now purchase health insurance on their own,
my proposal would mean a substantial tax savings--$4,500 for a
family of four making $60,000 a year. And for the millions of
other Americans who have no health insurance at all, this
deduction would help put a basic private health insurance plan
within their reach. Changing the tax code is a vital and
necessary step to making health care affordable for more
Americans.
My second proposal is to help the States that are coming up
with innovative ways to cover the uninsured. States that make
basic private health insurance available to all their citizens
should receive Federal funds to help them provide this coverage
to the poor and the sick. I have asked the Secretary of Health
and Human Services to work with Congress to take existing
Federal funds and use them to create ``Affordable Choices''
grants. These grants would give our Nation's Governors more
money and more flexibility to get private health insurance to
those most in need.
There are many other ways that Congress can help. We need
to expand Health Savings Accounts . . . help small businesses
through Association Health Plans . . . reduce costs and medical
errors with better information technology . . . encourage price
transparency . . . and protect good doctors from junk lawsuits
by passing medical liability reform. And in all we do, we must
remember that the best health care decisions are made not by
government and insurance companies, but by patients and their
doctors.
Extending hope and opportunity in our country requires an
immigration system worthy of America--with laws that are fair
and borders that are secure. When laws and borders are
routinely violated, this harms the interests of our country. To
secure our border, we are doubling the size of the Border
Patrol--and funding new infrastructure and technology. Yet even
with all these steps, we cannot fully secure the border unless
we take pressure off the border--and that requires a temporary
worker program. We should establish a legal and orderly path
for foreign workers to enter our country to work on a temporary
basis. As a result, they won't have to try to sneak in--and
that will leave border agents free to chase down drug
smugglers, and criminals, and terrorists. We will enforce our
immigration laws at the worksite, and give employers the tools
to verify the legal status of their workers--so there is no
excuse left for violating the law. We need to uphold the great
tradition of the melting pot that welcomes and assimilates new
arrivals. And we need to resolve the status of the illegal
immigrants who are already in our country--without animosity
and without amnesty.
Convictions run deep in this Capitol when it comes to
immigration. Let us have a serious, civil, and conclusive
debate--so that you can pass, and I can sign, comprehensive
immigration reform into law.
Extending hope and opportunity depends on a stable supply
of energy that keeps America's economy running and America's
environment clean. For too long our Nation has been dependent
on foreign oil. And this dependence leaves us more vulnerable
to hostile regimes, and to terrorists--who could cause huge
disruptions of oil shipments . . . raise the price of oil . . .
and do great harm to our economy.
It is in our vital interest to diversify America's energy
supply--and the way forward is through technology. We must
continue changing the way America generates electric power--by
even greater use of clean coal technology . . . solar and wind
energy . . . and clean, safe nuclear power. We need to press on
with battery research for plug-in and hybrid vehicles, and
expand the use of clean diesel vehicles and biodiesel fuel. We
must continue investing in new methods of producing ethanol--
using everything from wood chips, to grasses, to agricultural
wastes.
We have made a lot of progress, thanks to good policies in
Washington and the strong response of the market. Now even more
dramatic advances are within reach. Tonight, I ask Congress to
join me in pursuing a great goal. Let us build on the work we
have done and reduce gasoline usage in the United States by 20
percent in the next 10 years--thereby cutting our total imports
by the equivalent of \3/4\ of all the oil we now import from
the Middle East.
To reach this goal, we must increase the supply of
alternative fuels, by setting a mandatory Fuels Standard to
require 35 billion gallons of renewable and alternative fuels
in 2017--this is nearly 5 times the current target. At the same
time, we need to reform and modernize fuel economy standards
for cars the way we did for light trucks--and conserve up to
8.5 billion more gallons of gasoline by 2017.
Achieving these ambitious goals will dramatically reduce
our dependence on foreign oil, but will not eliminate it. So as
we continue to diversify our fuel supply, we must also step up
domestic oil production in environmentally sensitive ways. And
to further protect America against severe disruptions to our
oil supply, I ask Congress to double the current capacity of
the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.
America is on the verge of technological breakthroughs that
will enable us to live our lives less dependent on oil. These
technologies will help us become better stewards of the
environment--and they will help us to confront the serious
challenge of global climate change.
A future of hope and opportunity requires a fair, impartial
system of justice. The lives of citizens across our Nation are
affected by the outcome of cases pending in our Federal courts.
And we have a shared obligation to ensure that the Federal
courts have enough judges to hear those cases and deliver
timely rulings. As President, I have a duty to nominate
qualified men and women to vacancies on the Federal bench. And
the United States Senate has a duty as well--to give those
nominees a fair hearing, and a prompt up-or-down vote on the
Senate floor.
For all of us in this room, there is no higher
responsibility than to protect the people of this country from
danger. Five years have come and gone since we saw the scenes
and felt the sorrow that terrorists can cause. We have had time
to take stock of our situation. We have added many critical
protections to guard the homeland. We know with certainty that
the horrors of that September morning were just a glimpse of
what the terrorists intend for us--unless we stop them.
With the distance of time, we find ourselves debating the
causes of conflict and the course we have followed. Such
debates are essential when a great democracy faces great
questions. Yet one question has surely been settled--that to
win the war on terror we must take the fight to the enemy.
From the start, America and our allies have protected our
people by staying on the offense. The enemy knows that the days
of comfortable sanctuary, easy movement, steady financing, and
free-flowing communications are long over. For the terrorists,
life since 9/11 has never been the same.
Our success in this war is often measured by the things
that did not happen. We cannot know the full extent of the
attacks that we and our allies have prevented--but here is some
of what we do know: We stopped an al Qaeda plot to fly a
hijacked airplane into the tallest building on the West Coast.
We broke up a Southeast Asian terrorist cell grooming
operatives for attacks inside the United States. We uncovered
an al Qaeda cell, developing anthrax to be used in attacks
against America. And just last August, British authorities
uncovered a plot to blow up passenger planes bound for America
over the Atlantic Ocean. For each life saved, we owe a debt of
gratitude to the brave public servants who devote their lives
to finding the terrorists and stopping them.
Every success against the terrorists is a reminder of the
shoreless ambitions of this enemy. The evil that inspired and
rejoiced in 9/11 is still at work in the world. And so long as
that is the case, America is still a Nation at war.
In the minds of the terrorists, this war began well before
September 11, and will not end until their radical vision is
fulfilled. And these past 5 years have given us a much clearer
view of the nature of this enemy. Al Qaeda and its followers
are Sunni extremists, possessed by hatred and commanded by a
harsh and narrow ideology. Take almost any principle of
civilization, and their goal is the opposite. They preach with
threats . . . instruct with bullets and bombs . . . and promise
paradise for the murder of the innocent.
Our enemies are quite explicit about their intentions. They
want to overthrow moderate governments and establish safe
havens from which to plan and carry out new attacks on our
country. By killing and terrorizing Americans, they want to
force our country to retreat from the world and abandon the
cause of liberty. They would then be free to impose their will
and spread their totalitarian ideology. Listen to this warning
from the late terrorist Zarqawi: ``We will sacrifice our blood
and bodies to put an end to your dreams, and what is coming is
even worse.'' Osama bin Laden declared: ``Death is better than
living on this Earth with the unbelievers among us.''
These men are not given to idle words, and they are just
one camp in the Islamist radical movement. In recent times, it
has also become clear that we face an escalating danger from
Shia extremists who are just as hostile to America, and are
also determined to dominate the Middle East. Many are known to
take direction from the regime in Iran, which is funding and
arming terrorists like Hezbollah--a group second only to al
Qaeda in the American lives it has taken.
The Shia and Sunni extremists are different faces of the
same totalitarian threat. But whatever slogans they chant, when
they slaughter the innocent, they have the same wicked
purposes. They want to kill Americans . . . kill democracy in
the Middle East . . . and gain the weapons to kill on an even
more horrific scale.
In the 6th year since our Nation was attacked, I wish I
could report to you that the dangers have ended. They have not.
And so it remains the policy of this Government to use every
lawful and proper tool of intelligence, diplomacy, law
enforcement, and military action to do our duty, to find these
enemies, and to protect the American people.
This war is more than a clash of arms--it is a decisive
ideological struggle, and the security of our Nation is in the
balance. To prevail, we must remove the conditions that inspire
blind hatred, and drove 19 men to get onto airplanes and come
to kill us. What every terrorist fears most is human freedom--
societies where men and women make their own choices, answer to
their own conscience, and live by their hopes instead of their
resentments. Free people are not drawn to violent and malignant
ideologies--and most will choose a better way when they are
given a chance. So we advance our own security interests by
helping moderates, reformers, and brave voices for democracy.
The great question of our day is whether America will help men
and women in the Middle East to build free societies and share
in the rights of all humanity. And I say, for the sake of our
own security . . . we must.
In the last 2 years, we have seen the desire for liberty in
the broader Middle East--and we have been sobered by the
enemy's fierce reaction. In 2005, the world watched as the
citizens of Lebanon raised the banner of the Cedar Revolution .
. . drove out the Syrian occupiers . . . and chose new leaders
in free elections. In 2005, the people of Afghanistan defied
the terrorists and elected a democratic legislature. And in
2005, the Iraqi people held three national elections--choosing
a transitional government . . . adopting the most progressive,
democratic constitution in the Arab world . . . and then
electing a government under that constitution. Despite endless
threats from the killers in their midst, nearly 12 million
Iraqi citizens came out to vote in a show of hope and
solidarity we should never forget.
A thinking enemy watched all of these scenes, adjusted
their tactics, and in 2006 they struck back. In Lebanon,
assassins took the life of Pierre Gemayel, a prominent
participant in the Cedar Revolution. And Hezbollah terrorists,
with support from Syria and Iran, sowed conflict in the region
and are seeking to undermine Lebanon's legitimately elected
government. In Afghanistan, Taliban and al Qaeda fighters tried
to regain power by regrouping and engaging Afghan and NATO
forces. In Iraq, al Qaeda and other Sunni extremists blew up
one of the most sacred places in Shia Islam--the Golden Mosque
of Samarra. This atrocity, directed at a Muslim house of
prayer, was designed to provoke retaliation from Iraqi Shia--
and it succeeded. Radical Shia elements, some of whom receive
support from Iran, formed death squads. The result was a tragic
escalation of sectarian rage and reprisal that continues to
this day.
This is not the fight we entered in Iraq, but it is the
fight we are in. Everyone of us wishes that this war were over
and won. Yet it would not be like us to leave our promises
unkept, our friends abandoned, and our own security at risk.
Ladies and gentlemen: On this day, at this hour, it is still
within our power to shape the outcome of this battle. So let us
find our resolve, and turn events toward victory.
We are carrying out a new strategy in Iraq--a plan that
demands more from Iraq's elected government, and gives our
forces in Iraq the reinforcements they need to complete their
mission. Our goal is a democratic Iraq that upholds the rule of
law, respects the rights of its people, provides them security,
and is an ally in the war on terror.
In order to make progress toward this goal, the Iraqi
government must stop the sectarian violence in its capital. But
the Iraqis are not yet ready to do this on their own. So we are
deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional
soldiers and Marines to Iraq. The vast majority will go to
Baghdad, where they will help Iraqi forces to clear and secure
neighborhoods and serve as advisers embedded in Iraqi Army
units. With Iraqis in the lead, our forces will help secure the
city by chasing down terrorists, insurgents, and roaming death
squads. And in Anbar province--where al Qaeda terrorists have
gathered and local forces have begun showing a willingness to
fight them--we are sending an additional 4,000 United States
Marines, with orders to find the terrorists and clear them out.
We did not drive al Qaeda out of their safe haven in
Afghanistan only to let them set up a new safe haven in a free
Iraq.
The people of Iraq want to live in peace, and now is the
time for their government to act. Iraq's leaders know that our
commitment is not open ended. They have promised to deploy more
of their own troops to secure Baghdad--and they must do so.
They have pledged that they will confront violent radicals of
any faction or political party. They need to follow through,
and lift needless restrictions on Iraqi and Coalition forces,
so these troops can achieve their mission of bringing security
to all of the people of Baghdad. Iraq's leaders have committed
themselves to a series of benchmarks to achieve
reconciliation--to share oil revenues among all of Iraq's
citizens . . . to put the wealth of Iraq into the rebuilding of
Iraq . . . to allow more Iraqis to re-enter their nation's
civic life . . . to hold local elections . . . and to take
responsibility for security in every Iraqi province. But for
all of this to happen, Baghdad must be secured. And our plan
will help the Iraqi government take back its capital and make
good on its commitments.
My fellow citizens, our military commanders and I have
carefully weighed the options. We discussed every possible
approach. In the end, I chose this course of action because it
provides the best chance of success. Many in this Chamber
understand that America must not fail in Iraq--because you
understand that the consequences of failure would be grievous
and far reaching.
If American forces step back before Baghdad is secure, the
Iraqi government would be overrun by extremists on all sides.
We could expect an epic battle between Shia extremists backed
by Iran, and Sunni extremists aided by al Qaeda and supporters
of the old regime. A contagion of violence could spill out
across the country--and in time the entire region could be
drawn into the conflict.
For America, this is a nightmare scenario. For the enemy,
this is the objective. Chaos is their greatest ally in this
struggle. And out of chaos in Iraq would emerge an emboldened
enemy with new safe havens . . . new recruits . . . new
resources . . . and an even greater determination to harm
America. To allow this to happen would be to ignore the lessons
of September 11 and invite tragedy. And ladies and gentlemen,
nothing is more important at this moment in our history than
for America to succeed in the Middle East . . . to succeed in
Iraq . . . and to spare the American people from this danger.
This is where matters stand tonight, in the here and now. I
have spoken with many of you in person. I respect you and the
arguments you have made. We went into this largely united--in
our assumptions, and in our convictions. And whatever you voted
for, you did not vote for failure. Our country is pursuing a
new strategy in Iraq--and I ask you to give it a chance to
work. And I ask you to support our troops in the field--and
those on their way.
The war on terror we fight today is a generational struggle
that will continue long after you and I have turned our duties
over to others. That is why it is important to work together so
our Nation can see this great effort through. Both parties and
both branches should work in close consultation. And this is
why I propose to establish a special advisory council on the
war on terror, made up of leaders in Congress from both
political parties. We will share ideas for how to position
America to meet every challenge that confronts us. And we will
show our enemies abroad that we are united in the goal of
victory.
One of the first steps we can take together is to add to
the ranks of our military--so that the American Armed Forces
are ready for all the challenges ahead. Tonight I ask the
Congress to authorize an increase in the size of our active
Army and Marine Corps by 92,000 in the next 5 years. A second
task we can take on together is to design and establish a
volunteer Civilian Reserve Corps. Such a corps would function
much like our military reserve. It would ease the burden on the
Armed Forces by allowing us to hire civilians with critical
skills to serve on missions abroad when America needs them. And
it would give people across America who do not wear the uniform
a chance to serve in the defining struggle of our time.
Americans can have confidence in the outcome of this
struggle--because we are not in this struggle alone. We have a
diplomatic strategy that is rallying the world to join in the
fight against extremism. In Iraq, multinational forces are
operating under a mandate from the United Nations--and we are
working with Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the Gulf States
to increase support for Iraq's government. The United Nations
has imposed sanctions on Iran, and made it clear that the world
will not allow the regime in Tehran to acquire nuclear weapons.
With the other members of the Quartet--the U.N., the European
Union, and Russia--we are pursuing diplomacy to help bring
peace to the Holy Land, and pursuing the establishment of a
democratic Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel in
peace and security. In Afghanistan, NATO has taken the lead in
turning back the Taliban and al Qaeda offensive--the first time
the Alliance has deployed forces outside the North Atlantic
area. Together with our partners in China, Japan, Russia, and
South Korea, we are pursuing intensive diplomacy to achieve a
Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. And we will continue
to speak out for the cause of freedom in places like Cuba,
Belarus, and Burma--and continue to awaken the conscience of
the world to save the people of Darfur.
American foreign policy is more than a matter of war and
diplomacy. Our work in the world is also based on a timeless
truth: To whom much is given, much is required. We hear the
call to take on the challenges of hunger, poverty, and
disease--and that is precisely what America is doing. We must
continue to fight HIV/AIDS, especially on the continent of
Africa--and because you funded our Emergency Plan for AIDS
Relief, the number of people receiving life-saving drugs has
grown from 50,000 to more than 800,000 in 3 short years. I ask
you to continue funding our efforts to fight HIV/AIDS. I ask
you to provide $1.2 billion over 5 years so we can combat
malaria in 15 African countries. I ask that you fund the
Millennium Challenge Account, so that American aid reaches the
people who need it, in nations where democracy is on the rise
and corruption is in retreat. And let us continue to support
the expanded trade and debt relief that are the best hope for
lifting lives and eliminating poverty.
When America serves others in this way, we show the
strength and generosity of our country. These deeds reflect the
character of our people. The greatest strength we have is the
heroic kindness, courage, and self-sacrifice of the American
people. You see this spirit often if you know where to look--
and tonight we need only look above to the gallery.
Dikembe Mutombo grew up in Africa, amid great poverty and
disease. He came to Georgetown University on a scholarship to
study medicine--but Coach John Thompson got a look at Dikembe
and had a different idea. Dikembe became a star in the NBA, and
a citizen of the United States. But he never forgot the land of
his birth--or the duty to share his blessings with others. He
has built a brand new hospital in his hometown. A friend has
said of this good-hearted man: ``Mutombo believes that God has
given him this opportunity to do great things.'' And we are
proud to call this son of the Congo our fellow American.
After her daughter was born, Julie Aigner-Clark searched
for ways to share her love of music and art with her child. So
she borrowed some equipment, and began filming children's
videos in her basement. The Baby Einstein Company was born--and
in just 5 years her business grew to more than $20 million in
sales. In November 2001, Julie sold Baby Einstein to the Walt
Disney Company, and with her help Baby Einstein has grown into
a $200 million business. Julie represents the great
enterprising spirit of America. And she is using her success to
help others--producing child safety videos with John Walsh of
the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children. Julie
says of her new project: ``I believe it's the most important
thing that I've ever done. I believe that children have the
right to live in a world that is safe.'' We are pleased to
welcome this talented business entrepreneur and generous social
entrepreneur--Julie Aigner-Clark.
Three weeks ago, Wesley Autrey was waiting at a Harlem
subway station with his two little girls, when he saw a man
fall into the path of a train. With seconds to act, Wesley
jumped onto the tracks . . . pulled the man into a space
between the rails . . . and held him as the train passed right
above their heads. He insists he's not a hero. Wesley says:
``We got guys and girls overseas dying for us to have our
freedoms. We got to show each other some love.'' There is
something wonderful about a country that produces a brave and
humble man like Wesley Autrey.
Tommy Rieman was a teenager pumping gas in Independence,
Kentucky, when he enlisted in the United States Army. In
December 2003, he was on a reconnaissance mission in Iraq when
his team came under heavy enemy fire. From his Humvee, Sergeant
Rieman returned fire--and used his body as a shield to protect
his gunner. He was shot in the chest and arm, and received
shrapnel wounds to his legs--yet he refused medical attention,
and stayed in the fight. He helped to repel a second attack,
firing grenades at the enemy's position. For his exceptional
courage, Sergeant Rieman was awarded the Silver Star. And like
so many other Americans who have volunteered to defend us, he
has earned the respect and gratitude of our whole country.
In such courage and compassion, ladies and gentlemen, we
see the spirit and character of America--and these qualities
are not in short supply. This is a decent and honorable
country--and resilient, too. We have been through a lot
together. We have met challenges and faced dangers, and we know
that more lie ahead. Yet we can go forward with confidence--
because the State of our Union is strong . . . our cause in the
world is right . . . and tonight that cause goes on.
Thank you.
George W. Bush.
The White House, January 23, 2007.
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