Joint Press Availability with Egyptian Foreign Minister Aboul Gheit

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: Good morning. We are delighted to receive U.S. Secretary of State this morning. We had a consultation session that went about 40 minutes, then we moved to meet with President Mubarak. The discussions covered a number of issues, at the forefront, of course, the Palestinian situation and the relationship between the Palestinians and Israelis, the Israeli attacks against Gaza. Also the discussions covered the peace process and how can we follow up with the efforts that were exerted in Annapolis and how can we ensure that an active, viable peace process should continue. Also we discussed the situation in Lebanon and in Iraq and the issue of Darfur. And the consultations lasted for more than one hour and President Mubarak spoke very clearly about the Israeli military operations in Gaza and the request not to target civilians, the Palestinian civilians.

SECRETARY RICE: Thank you very much, Minister, and thank you for welcoming me here. I was very pleased to have the opportunity to stop in Egypt for a few hours to consult with you and with President Mubarak. They’ve been very useful discussions. We have indeed discussed a wide variety of regional issues, but of course very much at the center of our discussions has been the current situation concerning the Palestinians and Israelis.

I am indeed very concerned that the situation there requires that the rocket attacks stop against innocent Israeli civilians in their cities. I’ve also been concerned and expressed to you and to President Mubarak my concerns about innocent people in Gaza, civilians who have been caught in the crossfire, and our intention to do everything possible to deal with the humanitarian situation there and with the plight of innocent people there.

We talked about the fact that Gaza is a situation that began with Hamas’ illegal seizure of Gaza, including throwing aside the legitimate Palestinian institutions that were governing there. And that situation has then led to the kind of chaos that we have recently seen.

All of that said, the key is to make certain that the peace process continues because, ultimately the answer to extremism, ultimately the answer to the indignities that the Palestinian people endure, ultimately the answer to a stable peace and security for the Israeli people is to establish two states living side by side in peace and security. And so we did have an opportunity to talk about the Annapolis process, and I would just remind that the Annapolis process has three pillars. One, of course, is the negotiations, which we hope to see resumed as soon as possible. A second is to improve the situation for the people on the ground in the West Bank and the Palestinian people. And of course, also to make certain that the roadmap obligations are discharged on both sides. And it is my intention in being here to also focus on those three pillars of the Annapolis process because ultimately that is answer to the problem here.

Thank you also very much for the discussions that we’ve had on Darfur, on Lebanon where the Lebanese people should be permitted to elect a president according to their constitutional processes and without external interference and without fear of intimidation, also the discussions that we’ve had about Iraq and the fragile progress that has been made there but the need for further political reconciliation and for reconciliation of Iraq with the Arab world. And so they’ve been very good and fruitful discussions, and I thank you for them, and I will be back in touch with you when I have gone now to Israel and to Ramallah.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: Thank you very much, Secretary. Let’s have two questions from each and then --

SECRETARY RICE: Two and two? Yes, and then I have to be on my way. Yes.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, sir. (Inaudible) from the Egyptian Television. Madame Secretary, my question first for both of you. Madame Secretary has asked immediately to restart negotiations between the Palestinians and Israelis. Do you think that such a step is easy now after what all has happened, after the civilians that have died from both sides, especially the Palestinians? What are the steps specifically needed, political steps, to restart negotiations?

And for you, Madame Secretary, if you please, are you going to use your right or the administration right to -- not to go with the Congress position concerning the Egyptian aid? Thank you very much.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: (Via interpreter) The situation regarding the Egyptian situation is the continuation of the peace process, meaning the continuation and the resumption of the negotiations. But the negotiations must be based on a foundation of calm; therefore, we seek to achieve a ceasefire and calm. We have our contacts with the American side. Mr. Solana is coming to Cairo. Also we will talk with him. And we talk also with both the Israeli side and we have strong ties and very active ties, contacts with the Israeli side, to persuade them not to use this excess force. And also the imbalance between the use of power -- rockets are launched and the retaliation is much severe. This also must stop.

We also seek with the Palestinian side and we work with them in order to have the Palestinian side cease these operations that harm the peace process. On the other hand, we condemn the random, blind bombardment against civilians, and this must stop because killing civilians is not one of the things that will facilitate these political processes.

The waiver.

SECRETARY RICE: Yes, I’ll get to it. Just a point on the peace process. Look, I understand it’s been a very difficult circumstance and the United States is not unaware nor are we unfeeling for the human toll that has been experienced in this last week. Innocent people should not have to die in the circumstances that have taken place, and we are also concerned about the humanitarian situation. Indeed, the United States is making efforts with all sides to see if the humanitarian conditions can be improved, if access to -- to improve access for humanitarian relief organizations that are trying to work to make certain that the people of Gaza, who have the misfortune to live there with Hamas in control, that they are still able to have reasonable daily lives.

And so we’re not unfeeling about these very difficult circumstances. It is just our very strong view that the only way that we will in the long term be able to provide for peace and dignity for the Palestinian people, and for peace and security for the Israeli people, is if we establish two states living side by side. And that can only be done through negotiations, and there are always going to be rejectionists who try and prevent those negotiations from going forward. And so it has been our view that the negotiations -- and we talked about this at the time of Annapolis -- the negotiations are going to have to be able to withstand the efforts of rejectionists to upset them, to cause violence and chaos, so that people react by deciding not to negotiate. That is the game of those who don’t want to see a Palestinian state established, and Hamas does not want to see a Palestinian state established.

So yes, we will work for the resumption of the negotiations as quickly as possible. But those negotiations are only one track of the Annapolis process. We also need to see improvement for the lives of people on the ground, for Palestinians on the ground in terms of movement and access, in terms of economic well-being. We also need to see both sides exercise their roadmap obligations in a serious way. And frankly, there is a lot more that both can do. General Frazer is doing some work as the head of the monitoring group for the roadmap, and I will just tell you that we don’t think that enough progress is being made on those roadmap obligations. And I’m going to take that message very strongly to both sides. I don’t need finger-pointing -- you do this, you haven’t done that, you haven’t done that. I need both sides to exercise their obligations, and that will help very much to improve the situation. So those are some of the messages that I will be taking.

On the waiver, yes, I’ve exercised on behalf of the United States the waiver in terms of Egyptian assistance. As I spoke earlier, the government, the Bush Administration, sought to have that flexibility. We believe that this relationship with Egypt is an important one and that the waiver was the right thing to do. I have said to the Foreign Minister even today the importance of -- that the United States attaches to democracy and reform in Egypt and the importance that we attach to progress on those fronts. But yes, I’ve exercised the waiver.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: So she has exercised the right of waiver.

SECRETARY RICE: I think I said that, yes.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: Yes, thank you very much. Please.

QUESTION: Thank you. A question from (inaudible) magazine, please, Madame Secretary. Don’t you think that the presence of a military American ship in the Mediterranean now will complicate the Arab League trying to solve the Libyan problem -- Lebanese problem?

And a question to Mr. Aboul Gheit in Arabic. (Via interpreter) And the question is for the Foreign Minister. The objective of convening the Arab League summit is to solve the problems in our world. Now, is convening the Arab League in itself became a goal regardless of solving the Lebanese problem and is there an eight-party summit will be convened next week?

Thank you.

SECRETARY RICE: First of all on the Lebanese situation, the United States stands only for one thing, which is for the Lebanese to be able to exercise their constitutional right to elect a president. This is a simple matter. These are a free people. They are a sovereign people. They have lived too long under the shadow of foreign intimidation and foreign presence. The international community spoke in 2004 and said that there should not be foreign presence there. That foreign presence -- Syrian presence left in 2005. And now the Lebanese people ought to be able to exercise their constitutional right to elect a president. That’s all we’re saying. Now, there is a majority in Lebanon that -- under Prime Minister Siniora that should govern. But this is really a very simple matter.

As to American military presence, the United States exercises a military presence in the region and has for a very, very long time. And it is simply to make very clear that the United States is capable and willing of defending its interests and the interests of its allies.

And that is really all that is happening there, but I want to return to the core point here, which is that this has nothing to do, really, with the United States or anyone else. It has to do with the rights of the Lebanese, and they need to have a president and they need to be able to do it quickly.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: (Via interpreter) Regarding the Arab League summit, we know that the issue of the summit is a part of the Arab League charter, which is that the Arab League should be convened every March every year. Therefore, it is normal and natural that such a summit will be convened on time.

When the discussion was taking place and still about a successful Arab League summit, we said that settling the issue of Lebanon and electing the Lebanese president could contribute positively in having a successful and effective Arab League summit. Therefore, we hope that on the 11^th of March that a Lebanese president will be elected by the Lebanese parliament. There is no doubt that will open the road before a successful Arab League summit, but the Arab League summit itself is an annual event that will be convened.

Regarding eight-party group meeting or summit, I am not aware of this particular issue. There are -- actually, this evening there will be a meeting for the Arab foreign ministers in Cairo, and the expanded meeting for the Arab foreign minister will take place tomorrow and we will be discussing the preparation for the Arab League summit and we would hear from the Arab League Secretary about his contacts with the brothers in Syria and in Lebanon and the visits of the Secretary General of the Arab League in order to carry out and implement the Arab initiative. These are all elements that we would listen to his report this evening, as well as (inaudible) the day tomorrow.

But we hope at the end of the day that a summit will be convened under the shadow of what will grant a success, meaning a Lebanese president will be elected by the 11^th of March.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: I think you had two --

SECRETARY RICE: Yes. Sylvie? Yes, last question, I think.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: Last question or two --

SECRETARY RICE: Oh, two – well, haven’t had two from the American side.

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: We had two. We had two so (inaudible).

SECRETARY RICE: Okay, good. All right, okay. I thought two in one was about even. (Laughter.)

QUESTION: I have a question or both of you. Mr. Minister, did you get any notion from the Americans that they are supporting your proposal of ceasefire and – for Gaza? And Madame Secretary, you spoke about easing the humanitarian situation in Gaza. Does it mean that the Israeli blockade went too far?

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: May I? I think we agree, both of us, that there has to be a kind of cessation of hostilities. No missiles are to be fired on the Israelis, but the Israelis also are required not to respond in the manner that they have been responding over the last few days. It is a must that we have that kind of period of quiet and order to open the way for an objective pursuit of negotiations between the authority and the Israeli Government.

SECRETARY RICE: Let me put it the following way. It’s very clear what needs to happen. The rocket attacks against innocent Israelis in their cities, now Sderot and also Ashkelon, it needs to stop. This can’t go on. No Israeli government can tolerate that. And Israel will exercise its right to defense.

I have said to the Israelis, both privately and publicly, that when they are engaged in that effort at defense or engaged in defending themselves, they need to be aware of the effects of those operations on innocent people. They need to be aware of the effects of those operations on the next day and what can happen the next day. And so there does need to be a sense of what the effects of those operations are. This is not to say that Israelis are not going to defend their people. There needs to be a stop to the rockets and there needs to be an awareness of what is happening to innocent civilians and an effort to prevent innocent people from being harmed.

Now, there also needs to be an active peace process, and that active peace process is going to have to withstand efforts by rejectionists to keep peace from being made. The people who are firing rockets and causing chaos don’t want peace, and it will be a gift to them if no Palestinian state is established because they can continue to sow chaos. That’s what extremists do: They sow chaos, they sow instability; that is what Hamas is doing. And so it is extremely important that all of those steps be followed. And as I said, it will help too if there is attention to the other pillars of Annapolis, the conditions on the ground and the roadmap obligations.

QUESTION: (Inaudible.)

SECRETARY RICE: I’ve made clear before we’re very concerned about the humanitarian situation. We’ve talked to the Israelis about the humanitarian situation. We are working, for instance, on making certain that certain humanitarian convoys can get in to Gaza. I think that’s extremely important.

QUESTION: Yes, I have two questions for both of you. Mr. Foreign Minister, do you think the U.S. policy of isolating Hamas has been detrimental to the Annapolis peace conference, and so now it’s the time to start some sort of dialogue with them?

And for Madame Secretary, Vanity Fair just published a really long article based on U.S. documents, saying that the U.S. Government pressed Mahmoud Abbas to confront Hamas in an arms struggle which the article says led actually to the Hamas takeover of Gaza. Was this indeed the policy of the Bush Administration at the time? And if so, do you think it backfired?

FOREIGN MINISTER GHEIT: If I may respond to the question, we have to admit Hamas is part of the Palestinian equation and Hamas will have to be tackled with, meaning in a certain point in time down the road as we make progress and the authority and the Israelis are making progress when it comes to political negotiations, it will be a must that Hamas will have to be convinced to come onboard. If they would mend their ways and if that resort to violence and to military action, if it comes to an end, then that would be opening the way for Hamas to join.

But I have also to refer to the unequal use of force. The Israelis are exaggerating in their military reaction for -- to whatever that is happening on the Palestinian side and Gaza, and we have to control that situation in order to open the way for the political process to proceed.

SECRETARY RICE: First of all, Glenn, let me say a word about the Hamas situation. We’ve always said that we hope that the establishment of a Palestinian state, an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians to establish a state, will be a unifying factor for all Palestinians. But then people are going to have to make their choice: Are they prepared to renounce violence? Are they prepared to live in peace and security side by side with Israel? Are they prepared to live up to the obligations that Palestinian leaders have taken for more than a decade now? Those are the questions before Hamas. This isn’t a question about the United States approaching Hamas. This is a question about what Hamas intends and is prepared to do in terms of the very clear international standards that it has not met.

Now, as to a Vanity Fair article that I have not read, I’m not going to comment on the article. I will say the following: The United States has been very clear about its desire to help in an international effort to improve the security capabilities of the Palestinian Authority. The Palestinian Authority is headed by Mahmoud Abbas; and when Mahmoud Abbas has had security chiefs with whom he -- in whom he’s vested authority, the United States has dealt with those security chiefs. Now, the Hamas -- the idea that somehow Hamas has used as an excuse American and international assistance -- because it is not only American assistance -- to the Palestinian Authority to do what Hamas has always done, which is to sow chaos, I think is, on the face of it, fairly ludicrous.

But let me just go back to the point about what the United States is doing. It is very clear that Hamas is being armed and it’s very clear that they’re being armed, in part, by the Iranians. So if the answer is that Hamas gets armed by the Iranians and nobody helps to improve the security capabilities of the legitimate Palestinian Authority security forces, that’s not a very good situation. And I expect therefore that you’re going to continue to see support for the international community, the United States among them, working with the regional states and working with the Palestinians to establish a professional and capable Palestinian security force that can be part of the solution, that can defend a new Palestinian state, that can defend against terrorism, but most importantly that can defend its own people. Because the kind of lawlessness that Palestinians have had to endure in their own homes, in their own streets, in their own neighborhoods, is a concern to the United States, which is why we have been supporting the efforts of Salam Fayyad, for instance, to improve the security situation in Nablus by the deployment of Palestinian security forces there. So that’s what we’re doing, and I can’t comment on an article that I have not read.

QUESTION: Thank you very much.

2008/T7-2