Rep. Gary L. Ackerman, Chairman

“U.S.-Pakistan Relations:  Assassination, Instability and the Future of U.S. Policy”

House Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia

 

The Subcommittee will come to order.  On December 27 former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was assassinated and 20 of her supporters were killed by a suicide bomber as she left a peaceful political rally.  That blast not only plunged Pakistan into chaos, it also blew away Bush Administration policy.  The blinding flash that accompanied the explosion illuminated the narrowness of a policy that relied on individual personalities instead of broad-based institutions and on tactical adjustments instead of long-range strategic goals.  And for anyone who hasn’t been paying attention, the blast was just the latest in a long string of attacks announcing that extremists have turned their sights on the government of Pakistan and anyone who gets in their way will be eliminated.

            2007 was a year filled with violence and political instability in Pakistan.  In March President Musharraf fired the Chief Justice and sparked angry protests by lawyers not ordinarily noted for turning out in the streets and hurling stones at police.  After the Supreme Court reinstated the Chief Justice, President Musharraf insisted on pursuing his re-election as President even though he was still Chief of Army Staff.  Many in Pakistan’s civil society viewed this as unconstitutional and so to avoid a widely assumed decision by the Supreme Court to nullify Musharraf’s candidacy, he imposed emergency rule, fired all the judges, arrested democracy and civil society activists, restricted the media and unilaterally amended the constitution to protect himself and his candidacy for President.

            While President Musharraf was busy roiling the political waters of Pakistan, the extremists went on about their business.  The Lahore-based Pak Institute for Peace Studies recently issued a report which counted 1,442 terrorist attacks, incidents of political violence and border clashes last year.  Those attacks along with Pakistani military operations in Western Pakistan left 3,448 people dead.  Benazir Bhutto’s assassination in Pakistan, was the exclamation point on what was a very deadly year.

            What is clear is that before Pakistan devolves any further in chaos and violence, U.S. policy has to change.  It is obvious that the Administration’s reliance on President Musharraf to bring democracy to Pakistan while fighting against the extremists has not worked.  There has been neither success against terrorism nor a return to democracy.  The United States needs a new approach to Pakistan that puts as much emphasis on building stable, free and moderate institutions as it does on fighting terrorists.

        

 

 

 

    The foundation for such a policy is already there.  A recent survey done by the United States Institute for Peace and World Public Opinion, shows that Pakistanis overwhelming view having elected leadership as important. The support for democratic governance is there.  What is missing is any faith that current government institutions operate in a way that benefit Pakistani citizens.

            The Bush Administration needs to build on the Pakistani view of the importance of democracy and needs to start by insisting that the elections on February 18 are free and fair.  I agree with those who argue that this will be difficult to achieve especially since the election commission and the courts were stacked by Musharraf while Pakistan was under emergency rule.  But at a minimum, the moderate political parties should be allowed to fully participate so there isn’t a repeat of the 2002 elections when the Islamist parties faired better than at any previous point in Pakistan’s history.  International monitors must be allowed reasonably unfettered access to observe the process and should not be encumbered by the 150 pages of rules and restrictions recently issued by the government.  Lastly, the media restrictions that remained in place after emergency rule was lifted should be removed.  Not allowing anyone to comment or report critically on the government removes a major check on those who would seek to falsify the results.

            While these steps will go far, a credible investigation of former Prime Minister Bhutto’s assassination will also help restore some level of trust in government.  Otherwise, Ms. Bhutto’s death will become the province of conspiracy theorists and just another in a long line of mysterious, unsolved deaths of Pakistani leaders.

            Along with these steps, the fight against terror must continue, but something fundamental must change – Pakistanis must come to see this fight as their own. They must come to view the suicide attacks against the police, the military, government ministers, and moderate political leaders, attacks in which many thousands of innocent Pakistanis have been killed, as attacks against them, against their state, against their institutions, and against their democracy.  I fear that until Pakistanis come to this realization no government in Pakistan, elected or otherwise, will have the political legitimacy to fight terror in a more aggressive and successful manner.

            Lastly, I believe we should undertake a fundamental reappraisal of U.S. assistance to Pakistan.  We have for too long provided the military with the bulk of our assistance and neglected assistance aimed at building and strengthening democratic institutions.  I’m not suggesting that we cut all military assistance, it is clear that we need to help Pakistan acquire the capabilities necessary to fight the extremists, capabilities, by the way, that Pakistani officials tell me they need.  But when I see them using their national funds to purchase F-16’s or anti-submarine surveillance planes, I can’t help but wonder whether they don’t have an enemy other than terrorism in mind.  The United States needs to be clear that our first, second and third priorities will focus on counter-insurgency equipment and training, whether we are using FMF or authorizing commercial sales, that provides the Pakistanis with the counter-terrorism capabilities they claim they need.

            The United States is at a crossroads with regard to Pakistan.  It is clear that despite the deaths of many, many Pakistani soldiers and police, the fight against terrorism has not gone the way we would have hoped.  It is equally clear that Pakistan is no closer to genuine democracy and arguably a good bit further away.  It’s time to change course and build a new and different relationship with Pakistan.

            I’d now like to yield to my good friend from Indiana, Mr. Pence for any opening remarks he may wish to make.

 

 

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