April 27, 2006
Amb. Salman Haidar, Senior Fellow
A Framework for South Asian Peace and Security
Project Report Summary
Amb. Salman Haidar’s report focused on the Gujral doctrine as a framework for negotiations with South Asian border countries during the period when the United Front party was in power with Mr. I. K. Gujral as Minister for External Affairs (96-97). Gujral later became India’s Prime Minister (97-98). Haidar explained that although the Gujral doctrine borrowed from India’s past experiences and agreements, it was innovative in its offer of non-reciprocal benefits in relations with neighbors, a principle suggesting that India may do more for its smaller neighbors than it expects in return. Haidar also acknowledged limitations of the doctrine—for instance, it excluded both China and Pakistan, with whom India has many contentious unresolved issues.
Haidar served as the Foreign Secretary of India in 1995-97. He noted that under Mr. Gujral’s policy, South Asia adopted a markedly different tone in the way it went about its business with regional neighbors. Several landmark agreements were negotiated during the period. Haidar—who played a key role in negotiating many of these agreements—used four cases to highlight the mood and ideology behind the doctrine. The four cases were the Mahakali Treaty with Nepal, the Farakka Treaty with Bangladesh, the Sino-India Agreement on military confidence building measures along the border, and an agreement on Indo-Pakistan dialogue. Haidar discussed his personal experiences and relations with all parties while negotiating each of these agreements.
Mahakali: An Indian project for hydro-electric power on the Mahakali river had caused great resentment in Nepal which felt its interests had been ignored and its territorial rights violated by the project. In a fresh look at the problem in 1996, India suggested the revival of a moribund river valley project for the joint development of the entire Mahakali valley, which would provide vast benefit to both parties. A series of negotiations followed on a variety of issues including the payment of electric power that Nepal would sell to India and the procurement of project equipment, which India had once insisted should come from Indian suppliers. Haidar felt the agreement on Mahakali became possible because the parties were prepared to move on and make adjustments to their established ways.
Farakka: This treaty, signed in 1996 and to be in effect for thirty years, regulated the sharing of waters between India and Bangladesh, an issue that was contentious even before Bangladesh emerged as a separate country. One of the most troublesome issues had to do with the release of water from Farakka during the seventy-day lean period. Haidar recounted how a constructive idea that came from the finance minister of West Bengal, Asim Dasgupta, opened the way to a solution. Accordingly, during the lean season, guaranteed volumes of water would be released alternately to each side during successive ten-day periods. This combined equal sharing with a partial guarantee, and received quick acceptance. The treaty has thus far survived ten years.
Sino-India Border: This long running dispute, which had led to a border war in 1962, unexpectedly flared up afresh in 1986-7 at one disputed point on the border. Haidar explained how the visit by Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1988 settled the immediate tensions and paved the way for renewed negotiations. An agreement in 1993 was followed by the 1996 agreement on the reduction of troops and heavy weapons on the border. Haidar suggested that this was fresh departure for India which had never entered into a mutual and balanced force reduction agreement with any of its neighbors. The 1996 agreement addressed the question of differences in terrain, which would entail differences in the number of troops employed by each side in particular sectors. Verification of reduction commitments along the border and drawing the line of actual control were also addressed. Haidar argued that the 1996 agreement opened the doors for both countries to discuss border arrangements more effectively than had been the case previously.
Indo-Pakistan Dialogue: Haidar recounted his conversations with the foreign secretary of Pakistan in both New Delhi and Islamabad in 1997. These laid the groundwork for a dialogue on various issues, including Kashmir, security, and cross-border terrorism. During this time, Mr. Gujral moved from being the foreign minister to Prime Minister. Haidar observed that Mr. Gujral’s intentions and principles played a key role in the progress made in talks between the two countries. After his tenure ended, a comprehensive Indo-Pak dialogue evolved on the basis of the same agenda and modalities that had been negotiated during Mr. Gujral’s tenure. Thus, Haidar argued, the efforts were not in vain. He suggested that the Gujral doctrine showed its strength in fostering Indo-Pak dialogue in the years that followed.
Haidar concluded his talk by making the point that contention with India’s neighbors continues and improved cooperation still remains largely dependent on the political will of the leaders in power. The Gujral doctrine signalled an Indian readiness to take the lead and not be seen as a reluctant party to regional activity. The doctrine does not need to be invoked today, he said, but it exemplifies a proper role for India in the region. In response to a question, Haidar suggested that for such a doctrine to be effective he saw the need for more consultation about policy between the center (Delhi) and the border states in India. He characterized the Gujral doctrine as a set of principles that became a political ideology for a period of time and the background for negotiations. Haidar strongly advocated that Indian foreign policy be attuned to the tensions and opportunities with its immediate neighbors in South Asia. He ended by saying that India needs to show flexibility in its approach and adjust its established ways of doing things to present realities and the expectations of smaller countries.
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