Setting Health Objectives

The Health Promotion Challenge


Dr Ilona Kickbusch

Director

Division of Health Promotion,

Education and Communication

World Health Organization logoWorld Health Organization


Keynote address presented on the occasion of the

Healthy People 2000 Consortium Meeting

"Building the Prevention Agenda for 2010:

Lessons Learned"

New York, 15 November 1996


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1. Setting health promotion objectives: the first generation

Setting health objectives has been one of the most important health policy developments in the last 20 years. I am therefore very honoured to have been invited to address this health consortium meeting in the country that spearheaded this development. In my work at the World Health Organization I have learned much from the US experiences and from individuals involved in the formulation and implementation of the objectives for the nation.

I have been asked to share with you international experiences in setting health promotion objectives within the context of the World Health Organizations Health for All Strategy (HFA) and indicate implications this might have for your own revisiting of the health objectives for the nation. The international experiences are manifold and go back 20 years and more. The World Health Organization has promoted an objective based approach to health planning and accountability since the late seventies, at first as an instrument at international and national levels of governance, later as an approach also to be applied at the regional, district and local levels and within specific settings (for example schools, workplaces or hospitals) . In Europe of the 50 European WHO Member States 17 have formulated "Health of the nation" type policy documents, four countries are just starting the process, a number of Regions and cities have also formulated HFA policies and targets. Indeed developing a city based HFA policy is one of the conditions for becoming a WHO project city.

Of course it must be noted that the context has changed considerably over the last 20 years since Health For All was introduced.. Peter Drucker who provided the rationale for "management by objectives" in 1952 now speaks of "The new realities" with which we are faced in our societies: a changing view of the role of governments, changing demands on political leadership, a new pluralism of interests, a new view of political and social responsibility. Most countries are experiencing conflict over the organization and financing of social security , welfare and health care no matter what percentage of GNP they are dedicating to the respective sectors. Issues of global competitiveness and monetary policy dominate the public debate in many countries, inequality gaps have widened in most countries and despite continuing GNP growth job insecurity and unemployment are rising. Drucker (as do many others) maintains that the change we are witnessing from an industrial society to a knowledge based society is as profound as the shift from agrarian to industrial production. For many countries and social groups this brings rapid transformation with new problems and new insecurities, creating an environment that is a far cry from the optimism in which Health for All was first introduced. The move into the new millennium is seen as much as a threat as an opportunity. This might mean that we must seriously reconsider our strategies for global health.

At the same time one could say that giving direction and setting objectives in such an insecure environment is even more crucial than it was in the late seventies and early eighties. The Finnish colleagues state in their most recent analysis of the Finnish Health For All policy progress:

"It may be said that the economic crisis has made us more convinced than ever about the need for a clearly defined strategy and priorities to cope with short- term problems in a medium and long- term perspective."

But obviously there are different ways to formulate policies for health promotion. Sceptics continually ask "Does the strategic approach of setting goals and targets really make a difference to population health?" The answer is that we do not really know. The US experience of 15 years seems to indicate that the health objectives have bundled energy and led to results - the European experience (albeit much shorter) is more ambivalent. The Finnish analysis states that " a great deal of progress was made in the desirable direction and often even at faster pace than anticipated in aspirational targets." It remains unclear if this was due to the action taken on the targets or if this was the outcome of a seminal trend or interventions in other sectors. The Dutch study on the other hand sees little progress in the Netherlands, yet still "absolutely recommends" target setting . It proposes though to adjust the "high hopes" and move into an era of more realistic policy making, the Finnish review also proposes to proceed more selectively. But we must ask if they way to go is with an understanding of "realistic" and "selective" meaning less of the same or whether we should not refocus our strategies in a more profound manner?

It might be appropriate to ask ourselves whether a new perspective and a new mix of strategies might not show a greater effect. The first generation "objectives for health" (such as "Healthy People") has helped achieve two major feats: to understand population health in terms of health gain, or more simply " healthy people" and to put health promotion and disease prevention firmly on the health policy map. But was that enough? Have we achieved enough? My answer is a clear NO. I believe that we must seriously consider a second generation of objectives that take into account what we have learned in the process as well as the challenges we are now faced with. Or to be more blunt: to finally apply what we already knew when the Member States of WHO approved and applauded the Health for All Policy and the Primary Health Care Strategy.

2. Health For All

Let us consider first of all if the Health for All by the year 2000 perspective proposed by the WHO still holds. It was a very different world when this policy was developed. After the tremendous success of small pox eradication came the frustration and failure of WHO=s malaria strategy. The vertical programme approach was seriously challenged. Colonies were increasingly gaining their independence and were challenged as independent nations to ensure population health and build new health systems . The cold war was in full swing with constant competition: which political system, capitalist or socialist, was producing better health? A new consensus was needed to hold WHO together and to ensure its universal appeal. The result was a joint commitment in 1977 to health and development by ALL WHO Member States: Health for All by the Year 2000. At present we are in a similar situation: in a changed environment with many new actors involved at the global level the specific task and unifying role of the WHO has once again to be made manifest. This is the process we presently call "Health for All Renewal" and which will have as its result a health charter and policy for the 21st century.

HFA2000 has been criticized from many vantage points, but these criticisms in my view have not fully understood its underlying values, its epidemiological premise and its unifying nature. Health for All 2000 was a revolutionary statement on development and I do not use this word lightly. It saw health status - or as we would say today population health - as an outcome of development. It set global goals and targets for population health gain and proposed the key strategy with which to move forward: the primary health care strategy. Progress in world health could be measured against jointly agreed goals, and both the WHO and the Member States would become more accountable for the health of populations. At the global level of WHO 12 indicators were set (see graph) that were to be assessed by all WHO Member States. The Regional Offices of WHO together with the Member States were then challenged to take this process further at their level of responsibility and to get the member states fully involved. WHO spearheaded an approach which by now most other UN agencies have adopted in one way or another.

Health For All 2000 introduced three key principles for health policy which remain valid until today:

Health:

For All : Equity

2000 : Timeframes and accountability:

These global principles were complemented by two major strategic approaches: intersectorality (meaning the contribution of sectors other than health) and participation (meaning the full involvement of the communities and the non governmental sector) which also characterize PHC. These five components have remained at the centre of WHO Health for All policy over the years and continue to be central to the health for all renewal process. One thing is becoming increasingly clear as we look back: the original goal of Health for All is that we should act upon health determinants and known health risks so that all people have the OPPORTUNITY to lead a socially and economically productive life. But while the goal was population health the approach remained mostly within the confines of a medical agenda. "Instead of the announced health revolution, we retrenched and addressed the service and delivery aspects."

While some countries were quick to state that the HFA 2000 approach was just for the developing countries a reformulation of the basic premise of health policy in industrialized countries had been underway in Canada.. Just before the adoption of the health objectives in the US the Canadian health minister Marc Lalonde presented in 1974 "A new perspective on the health of Canadians" which introduced the health field concept. It stated that in order to achieve better population health five groups of determinants must be addressed: biological factors, the physical environment, the social environment, lifestyle factors and health care services (Figure 1). The Lalonde report underlined - just as Health for All 2000 did - that many of the factors determining population health were outside of the remit of the health services. Less clear at the time was the interaction between these factors and their relative weighting. Canada also did not take the next step, to translate the health field concept into nation wide objectives even though several attempts were undertaken, most recently in 1994. It has become an internationally accepted "exemplar" (Thomas Kuhn) of modern health policy - much quoted but rarely implemented in its full scope. It opened Canadian thinking to a broader approach to health promotion, which was to become the basis for the first international Charter for Health Promotion, adopted in Ottawa, Canada in November 1996. This Charter was to significantly influence policies and programmes around the world and now constitutes a major component of Health for All Renewal.

3. The WHO European Health for All Targets

The European Office of the World Health Organization (the only WHO office to deal systematically with health challenges of the industrialized countries) took the HFA2000 challenge to the developed world and embarked in 1981 on setting European health for All targets. The very specific shape this document took was due to four key influences: the global HFA principles, the Lalonde "health field", the US approach to "health objectives for the nation" and the Finnish primary health care commitments (in the early seventies the concept of comprehensive, integrated Primary health care was introduced in Finland through new legislation. In 1982 Finland agreed to act as a pilot country for HFA strategy development and was the first country to present a government HFA policy report to the parliament in 1985).

The EURO document would influence many health policies in Europe and beyond. It consists of 38 targets which together form a logical structure the "HFA strategy pyramid". (Figure 2). These targets were first approved by all European Member States (then 32) in 1984 after a preparatory and consensus building process of four years and updated in 1991 by the then 50 Member States. Initially the year 1990 was set for reaching many of the targets, the 1991 revision changed the goal post to 2000 and presently they are again being revisited as part of the organization wide Health for All renewal process.

4. The Ottawa Charter

The lifestyles and health section of the European target document was under strong pressure to present its objectives based on diseases and behaviours. Of course the epidemiological situation in Europe was very similar to the US (and is reflected in the outcome targets of the European document) and the same "priorities" appear with slight adjustments throughout the developed world: the English priorities are coronary heart disease, cancer, mental illness, HIV/Aids, sexual health, and accidents. The Australian list contains: Cardiovascular health, cancer control, injury prevention and control and mental health. The US as you know well has 22 areas of priorities which range from physical activity and fitness to food and drug safety to sexually transmitted diseases and of course this includes the priority areas selected in the English and Australian policies. Given the disease panorama in developed societies one can hardly expect any other priorities if one starts out from classical mortality and morbidity data. These are the major diseases from which people suffer and from which they die. Given their very high incidence and prevalence any health policy with a rational base has to take action. We felt therefore that the crunch lay not in the diseases selected (particularly in view of substitute morbidity and morality) - but in the approach chosen to combat or to deter certain disease patterns. Meaning: what action was going to make the most difference in population health along the four criteria set by the European targets: reducing the health gap, adding years to life, adding health to life and adding life to years.

The view that prevailed for the life style section of the European target document was based on the health field model and highlighted the three key strategies: healthy public policy, supportive environments, personal skills. Two further "targets" were added which focused on positive and damaging health behaviour respectively. This approach was confirmed in the 1986 Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion with its selection of 5 key action areas: healthy public policy, supportive environments, community action, personal skills and reorienting health services.

The Ottawa Charter was (and this was part of the brief we had received from the then Director General) to provide new impetus to the debate on determinants of health and to state clearly - through a charter - what actions really matter. The Charter has changed the face of health promotion world wide . I believe is also the sound basis for second generation health objectives.

5. Second generation objectives

Since the adoption of HFA 2000 in 1977, the European targets in 1984 and the Ottawa Charter in 1986 many policies and infrastructures have been developed at national level that in essence focus on Health Promotion. The differences that emerge most clearly when comparing the policies is whether they focus

Let me address the issues arising from this by first outlining three premises for second generation objectives and then moving on to more specific issues that should guide the setting of objectives.

5.1 First the theoretical premise: second generation objectives must take their starting point from health.

The most crucial defining factor of any health promotion strategy is that is starts out from health creation.. The perhaps most famous quote from the Ottawa charter is the statement:

"health is created and lived by people within the settings of their everyday life: where they learn. work, play and love."

In general the policies I have reviewed (see attached for the list) refer extensively to this new, more active understanding of health. Not in as much as they believe that "a complete state of physical, mental and social wellbeing" (WHO definition of health) can be achieved and measured but in subscribing to a point of view that acknowledges that health is more than the absence of disease and that a modern health policy must be concerned with issues that are broader than just physical health. The more active definition of health put forward in the WHO European Target document (EURO targets in the following) and in the WHO Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion are used in many documents, as for example in the following definition adopted by the government of British Columbia:

"Health is the extent to which an individual or group is able, on the one hand, to develop aspirations and satisfy needs; and on the other hand, to change or cope with the environment. Health is therefore seen as a resource for everyday life, not the objective of living; it is seen as a positive concept emphasizing social and personal resources, as well as physical capacities."

5.2 Second the public health premise: second generation objectives would have an understanding of a health policy that is investment based.

All documents I have reviewed state that a modern health policy is much more than a policy for managing, organizing and funding medical services. The best public health investment is change which effects large population groups. Health policy should focus on means to increase the production of health, this implies interventions that bring with them the need for broad action in other government departments and in other sectors of society. While proposed by the health minister some documents have been adopted by parliament as a whole and are seen as a commitment of the whole government. Some documents go even further - such as the Ontario proposals - and state those policies and actions (outside of health) which would have the most significant health impact - and form part of the overall "wealth" or "social capital" of a society. Increasingly this view is being adopted in development policies that are investment based and you can see more and more of it in the public debate as these two examples on investments from your own country show.

5.3 Third the practical premise: second generation objectives would follow a strategic logic based on community development, organizational development, participation and partnerships.

Most existing policies set a general vision, state a set of principles, move on to broad goals, which are then made more specific through measurable objectives and are complemented by a set of targets which quantify the amount of change to be expected for an objective as well as setting a date by when the objective is to be achieved. The quantified target statement is based on agreed indicators. Finally the documents move on to proposing strategies which indicate how to proceed, suggest mechanisms and assign responsibilities. The first key issue is whether the approach chosen is vertical or integrative - and here existing policies differ significantly. The second issue though might prove even more important: should we continue to set targets the way we have or choose a different approach to provide incentives and to ensure measurement? The new pluralism in a society of organizations (as outlined by Peter Drucker in The new realities) means that strategies need to be found that motivate a multitude of actors with quite different main objectives around a (in our case) commitment to health. Not because they are altruists or moralists - but because it allows then to do their respective job better and it contributes to overall societal goals that benefit all. I believe that health promotion has contributed significantly through the settings approach how environments and organizations can improve their health potential. For an approach based on organizations benchmarking may prove more appropriate than target setting. An interesting example of benchmarking is the recent McKinseys study comparing health inputs and outputs of three systems: US, Germany and UK. The settings projects have done this with regard to schools, hospitals, cities, prisons, marketplaces. Benchmarking allows us to measure the health of a system or a community rather than concentrate on an epidemiological aggregate. It brings together inputs and outputs. The network approach developed by WHO brings energy into benchmarking and provides opportunities for experience exchange and comparisons.

6. Hints for the second generation

If the three premises health, investment and organizational development hold then our policies need to take quite a different approach than has been the case so far. We have summarized the starting point for a new type of health promotion objectives with a set of three questions:

From the Ottawa premise that "health is created and lived by people........where they learn, work, play and love" we get a very different starting point for "healthy people": the interaction of people with their environments in the process of health creation. Leonard Syme in 1986 first threw out a challenge which is pressed upon us ever more urgently: to develop a classification system for public health interventions that is not based on diseases but on a systems/environments perspective.

6.1 The Quebec policy on health and wellbeing has attempted this new type of classification and this type of thinking is also reflected more or less expressedly in most of the provincial strategies in Canada, most recently in British Columbia.. Let me therefore introduce this policy to you as an "exemplar" which has taken the health field concept several steps further.

To begin with the policy defines three principles that lead it:

The policy paper is divided into three parts:

The issues, an analysis of the existing situation, followed by 19 objectives which are grouped into 5 priority areas: social adjustment, physical health, public health, mental health, social integration. But even more important is the fact that section III on strategies brings all 19 objectives together into an integrated strategic approach. It identifies six overall strategies which will support the achievement of all targets:

6.2 Second generation objectives would aim for a classification based on key determinants of health. The Ontario proposals start out from the question: what makes people healthy? This document most closely reflects what one might call the "Canadian school of health policy which takes its starting point from an updated health field encompassing: living and working, social support, individual behaviour and genetic make up. The strategic proposals then lie in the areas of wealth creation, child support, education and social support with explicit reference to: healthy schools, healthy workplaces, healthy environments , healthy beginnings, family and friends. We see here a progression of what is considered a "key cause" for health/ill health from the first differentiation developed by Michael McGinnis together with W. Foege (see graph). They compare the ten leading causes of death with the actual causes of death. One could therefore argue that the objectives should be set at the "actual cause" level while the indicator would be the reduction of the disease. This represents very much the Finnish view: to clearly differentiate between epidemiological goals and targets (if we do x and y it is to be expected that by the year 2005 z will be achievable) and to formulate policy statements that aim to set x and y not z. The " actual cause " approach allows for a first visible balance between structural and behavioural interventions.

But second generation objectives must go one if not two steps further. The Quebec and Ontario proposals represent quite another problem definition based on a social concept of public health. Their chosen categories: social adjustment, physical health, public health, mental health, and social integration allow to draw attention to the root causes and offer explanatory factors for each problem which do not shy away from addressing the complexity of such issues as child abuse or rape. Contrary to other documents we find violence in all its forms highly visible at the beginning of the document under social adjustment: sexual abuse, neglect and violence against children, behaviour problems among children and teenagers, delinquency, violence against women, homelessness, alcoholism, and drug abuse. The integrated strategies in turn aim to tackle the problems closest to the root cause. The health goals for BC follow a similar track.

Goals - Where we will concentrate our efforts:

Goal 1 Foster positive and supportive living and working conditions in all our communities.

Goal 2 Support all individuals to develop the capacities, skills and attitudes we need to thrive and meet life=s challenges.

Goal 3 Ensure an environment that is naturally diverse and has clean, healthy and safe ecosystems of air, water an dland for humans and all living things, now and for future generations.

Goal 4 Ensure that our public policies and investments recognize all of the important influences onour health, and result in the best possible health outcomes.

Goal 5 Reduce preventable illness, injuries and premature deaths.

Goal 6 Foster joint action to improve the health of Aboriginal peoples.

Given the profile of American health problems, the deep inequities and tensions in health your country is facing, this approach might well be worth considering. And given the following graph - of which I have not yet been able to find an update - the priority of education seems obvious and paramount.

7. The crunch

This is the crunch point of all future health policies and target documents and I would urge the US to consider it carefully when revisiting the health objectives for the nation. It is clear that 20 years ago "lifestyle and health" issues needed to gain attention and be put on the map. In many countries the goals and targets approach has helped move this agenda forward and it is now common knowledge in developed countries that smoking is bad for your health, that there is a link between unhealthy lifestyles and cardiovascular disease and that unprotected sex can mean death. Meanwhile all research in these very areas has shown us that up to 50% and more of causation cannot be explained by the risk factors normally studied - which tend to lie in the area of personal behaviour. We have so far not sufficiently explained the enormous decrease in mortality from cardiovascular disease in most Western Countries since the seventies - just as we are not able to fully explain the enormous increase that we are witnessing in Eastern Europe in the same period. We have always known that "death is a social disease" meaning that the poor die sooner, what has not been common knowledge is that in the growth era of the European welfare states the health gap (or even more specifically the health gradients) has increased not diminished. For decades research has indicated the importance of social organisation for health: the environments where people learn, work, play and love. The Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion - launched in 1986 - has been a central guide for those who seek to implement strategies that focus on health creation and supportive environments for health. The "settings projects" such as Healthy Cities, health promoting hospitals or healthy schools encourage organizations to set their own targets and to develop integrated mechanisms to achieve them as part of a social project for health. This type of approach is far removed from any "big government" approach - it is built on motivation, incentives, energy , creativity and partnerships. It explicitly starts from strengthening the health potential within each setting as a democratic exercise. To a certain extent the Ottawa Charter and the settings have helped a fair bit along the way of L. Symes challenge for new organizing principles of public health and health promotion.

But while the scientific evidence for the very strong influence of social factors on health increases, the definite lack of a social reform agenda within the medically and economically driven health debate leads to the exclusion of these very factors from health policy formulation. The focus on individual behaviour introduced by behavioural epidemiology in the 1960s had entered into an easy marriage with medicine and its focus on the individual patient. In times of economic stringency and a revamped neoliberalism the division of labour has become clear: resources go to the curative system which increasingly questions the universality of access, prevention is considered a personal responsibility which rational actors will pursue in their own best interest, systemic intervention into the lifestyles arena is considered a restriction of individual freedom. And the negative health consequences are quick in coming, as the increase in smoking after the easing of the Canadian tobacco legislation shows.

The world has changed significantly since the first targets were set: in many countries there is increasing debate about the role and influence of the state in health matters. As the economic crisis of health care systems started to shift the debate to results and output one would have thought that political commitment to target setting and accountability would increase, particularly to target setting in the areas of health promotion, disease prevention and health protection. A range of calculations are by now available - which indicate significant amounts of dollars and lives saved through a commitment to health promotion and protection. Instead we see a very worrying neglect of the sound evidence which argues for investment in and action on health determinants. Health promotion and prevention would actually be one of the most rational ways of rebuilding health systems and strengthening public health. The recent discussion paper on Promoting Health in Australia by the NHMRC makes this point very forcefully. But the political support to move in this direction is blatantly lacking in most countries: consuming health care (albeit in a reduced fashion) rather than producing health remains at the top of the agenda .

Partly this means accepting a different type of consensus on evaluation of success. Following a proposal from Australian colleagues from NSW we have at WHO made the following proposal for the evaluation of health promotion activities.

8. Where to?

Health promotion has not really moved to centre stage in terms of setting the health agenda. It seems that in the present climate policy makers are rarely interested in the real cause or the real cost. Most target documents have remained within the disease perspective and have targeted the disease rather than actions needed to improve population health. A new dimension needs to enter the goals and targets debate in order to generate energy to improve population health in a period that is set to retract rather than expand systems of service.

In my personal view a second generation objectives would be "ecological in perspective, multisectoral in scope and collaborative in strategy" (Nancy Milio) and build on the five strategic areas of the Ottawa charter for health promotion. policy. They would be - as was the case with first generation goals and targets - a development tool that will help set new agendas for health promotion and prevention.

Six principles would guide second generation objectives:

8.1 Build on a social model of health and target social organisation rather focus on individual behaviour. Objectives would be formulated around the factors known to have the greatest influence on our health and the interaction of individuals and social groups with their environment(s) at minimum they would follow a health field model - at maximum they would concentrate on key determinants of health as outlined in the Ontario document. To me this means to move the prevention agenda into the health determinants and investment in health agenda. (This with respect to the subtitle of your conference). Second generation targets would own up to complexity and focus on long term sustainable health gains. Impact will therefore be measured at the level of individuals, social groups and social environments. Verticality must be replaced by epidemiological and strategic consistency. Too frequently target documents do not consider the interaction between targets neither at the level of epidemiology (for example substitute mortality and morbidity, i.e. CVD going down and cancers up, smoking going down and body weight up or the effect of demographic factors) nor at the point of strategy.

8.2 Set clear investment goals. Second generation documents will need to make clear statements on resource implications, i.e. the costs and profits to be expected. The present debate in the US on diabetes is a very good example - and could be expanded to a range of other issues using a benchmarking strategy. The Canadian study warns explicitly that while targets can help direct resources towards "best Investments" or "best pay offs" in improving population health there is little evidence that they would be a key tool, on their own, for reducing or controlling health care costs." Therefore if the overall health budget cake does not grow a shift in resources from areas with less health gain will need to be envisaged, argued well and explained to a range of stakeholders.

8.3 Second generation objectives would have a strong commitment to reducing health gaps and social gradients in health, with an understanding of the new dimension of intergenerational health gaps. At present we see that it is children and young people who are paying the price of the modernization processes. Particularly the US data - but also data in countries like South Africa - show the need to invest significantly into youth health. The arguments put forward under 8.2. apply accordingly. This means a much clearer identification of the societal stressors at work - and a responsive strategy that builds health potential, creates buffers and intermediary support and protection factors. Such strategies need overall societal commitment through leadership and incentives schemes - they can be implemented in a multitude of ways at the community level as we have seen from the Healthy cities project.

8.4. Second generation objectives would set policy relevant data indices: for example (as proposed by Nancy Milio) a health equity index, a social stress index, a community interaction and social support index and an environmental hazards index. This could allow benchmarking of a new type, as well as incentive and reward schemes focused on social groups and organizations. Accountability would gain a new dimension. The English Health of the Nation document for example goes to great lengths to spell out HOW to make the strategy work and sees healthy alliances as a key mechanism. It states clearly the responsibilities of the National Health Service and indicates at the end of each section what action the government (not only the health ministry) will take. It is also one of the few policies that has been adopted by the government as a whole, not just the health ministry. Accordingly a Ministerial Cabinet Committee was established to "oversee implementation, monitoring and development.....and to be responsible for ensuring proper coordination of UK wide issues affecting health." But formal political endorsement is not per se a sign of success (note the Finnish case) or lack of it a sign of failure. In the Netherlands the proposed Health for All targets were never quantified nor endorsed by parliament - yet they provided a significant stimulus for policy development and had a range of spin offs. In general it must be noted that the goals and targets process too frequently assumes that policy making is "rational" business which follows the best arguments and the best data. A whole school of policy science is dedicated to showing that this is not the case (Lindblom).

8.5 second generation objectives would intensify the building of new types of partnerships and alliances. At the global level we are presently considering a global public/private alliance for health promotion. Projects such as Healthy Cities and health promoting schools have shown the value of coalition building and are explicitly mentioned - alongside other settings projects - as a key implementation strategy in the English Health of the Nation document. "They offer between them the potential to involve most people in the country". For each of the settings - cities, schools, hospitals, workplaces, prisons, homes and environments - the strategy indicates the type of support that the government will examine and seek to establish. One very interesting approach that emerged in this respect was an initiative on the health promoting NHS, explicitly addressing the health conditions within the health sector. The US model of a health consortium of public and private actors should be carefully considered in other countries. This is all the more important since it is becoming increasingly difficult to disentangle the impact of national health goals and targets from other factors operating simultaneously. I feel strongly though that you should complement the consortium with a set of very strong networks for health such as health promoting schools, sport venues, healthy workplaces etc. The experiences gained through benchmarking could then be translated into standards agreed through consensus for organizations and institutions.

More consideration must be given to the role of the private sector. The health industry, the lifestyle and leisure industries and the media and communication industries have entered the playing field, with both positive and negative health messages and products and with great potential for significant health gain. This area is the focus of the 4th International Conference on health promotion due to take place in Djakarta in July of next year with the title: New players for a new era.

8.6 Integrate the international and sustainable development dimensions into the strategy and the targets. "A successful health strategy cannot be insular" - states the English strategy as one of the few documents that draws attention to the international dimension of health - both in terms of health threats and in finding solutions. But beyond this we must measure and compare our health status on the sustainable development dimension: which means linking health status gains with the consumption of the worlds ecologically productive resources. Using such a measurement - rather than life expectancy only - would show that the most successful countries are those which maximize their health status while limiting increases in energy and land consumption. Such comparisons are eye openers and lead back to the first of the six components: in 1991 Costa Rica delivered a life expectancy of 76 years to its citizens compared with an average of 77 for the worlds richest countries. It did this on a national income of US$ 1,850 per capita compared to an average of US$ 21,050 for the richest. Costa Rica must be doing something right: indications are that many of the determinants for health are successfully addressed. We hope to move in this direction with the launch of a project bringing together the seven most populous countries in a serious health promotion effort and comparing then along the lines of such new criteria.

Goals and targets that are driven by technical considerations can easily lose sight of the "big picture" and politicians might well see a different balance between political and epidemiological arguments than health professionals. An analysis of the Finnish policy states "No responsible politician will commit himself or herself to a target set as a percentage reduction of a certain mortality indicator unless the relevance, meaning, means and processes to reach it are understandable and beyond reasonable doubt." This is all the more important as we need to ask ourselves whether the wealthy societies be able to maintain their health status? The challenges are enormous: to reduce health gradients, to expand healthy life expectancy, increase quality of life for an ageing population and yet ensure the health and the future of the young? Probably we only stand a chance if we begin to apply the knowledge we have about what creates healthy populations and develop new public health categories around which to group our interventions. Health technology is more than pipes and drains, medical equipment and computers - it must create the social technology of creating supportive environments for health. We need to draw a new health promotion map. One hundred years after Emile Durkheims seminal findings on the patterned regularities of death and disease our interventions should start to weave a pattern of health. That is the least we can do at the start of the 21st century.

References

To illustrate the points I wish to raise with regard to setting health objectives I will use examples from a number of health policies that have set goals and targets which have been produced over the last 5 - 6 years besides the Healthy People 2000 (USA): The health of the Nation (England), Better health outcomes for Australians, The policy of health and Wellbeing (Quebec, Canada), the report of the Ontario Premiers Council on Health, Wellbeing and Social Justice "Nurturing health" (Ontario, Canada), A Strategic Direction to improve and protect the public health (New Zealand) and the Draft Health Goals for British Columbia (Canada). I will also use -as mentioned above- the experiences gained in the Dutch and Finnish HFA policy process.

The goals and targets document that I review here (which are amongst the ones most well known) focus on health promotion and disease prevention, with the Australian policy moving furthest into the treatment and care area and the Canadian papers furthest into the social arena. All policies include an environmental dimension. The Finnish health policy reflected all the components of the WHO European strategy but a decision was made early on in the process not to introduce quantified targets. Each of these policies can only be fully understood in their own unique policy environment and of course reflects the policy styles and political culture of the countries concerned. Yet there are general issues that can be highlighted and deducted from a closer, comparative analysis.

The policy papers in order of their publication:

Targets for health for all. The health policy for Europe. World Health Organization. Regional Office for Europe. Copenhagen 1991

The policy on health and well-being. Gouvernement du Quebec. Minister de la Sante et des Services Sociaux. Quebec 1992

The Health of the Nation. A strategy for health in England. Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Health by command of Her Majesty July 1992. London HSMO 1992

Nurturing Health. A new understanding of what makes people healthy. The Premiers Council on Health, Well-being and Social Justice. Ontario 1993

A strategic direction to improve and protect the public health. The Public health Commissions Advice to the Minister of health. 1993-1994. Wellington, New Zealand

Better Health Outcomes for Australians. National Goals, Targets and Strategies for Better Health Outcomes Into the Next Century. Commonwealth Department of Human Services and Health. Commonwealth of Australia 1994

Healthy People 2000. Midcourse review and 1995 Revisions. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Public Health Service. 1995

Health Goals for British Columbia: identifying priorities for a healthy Population. A draft for discussion. Office of the provincial health officer. November 1995

Some further reading:

Hammad, A.: Health in Development. Keynote Address, Bellagio, October 1996

Health and Social Organization. Towards a Health Policy for the 21st Century. D. Blane et al. (Eds) , London and New York, Routledge 1996

Health Australia. Promoting health in Australia. Discussion paper. National Health and Medical Research Council. Canberra. December 1995

Kickbusch, I. : Lifestyles and health. In: Social Science and Medicine, 1996

Kickbusch, I. : Health Promoting Environments - the next steps. Article in a special issue of the Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health on "Health Promoting Environments", 1996

Leppo, K.: Health For All Policy in a country. The case of Finland. Paper prepared for the European Health Policy Conference, Copenhagen, 5 - 9 December, 1994

McAmmond, D. and Ass., Analytic Review Towards health goals for Canada. Final report and background working paper. April 1994

McGinnis, J.M., Targeting Progress in Health. In: Prevention. July/August 1982, Vol. 97, No.4, pp 295-307.

McGinnis, J.M. and Foege, W.H. : Actual Causes of Death in the United States. In: The Journal of the American Medical Association, 1993, 270, pp 2207 - 2212.

Milio, N., Towards a Turn of the Century Public health: International initiatives and policy support Implications. In: Environments 19 (4), 1988, pp 76 - 88

van de Water, H. And L.M. van Herten, Bulls eye or Achilles heel. WHO=S European Health for All Targets Evaluated in the Netherlands. TNO Prevention and Health, Leiden 1996

Wealth and Health, Health and Wealth. The Premiers Council on Health, Well-being and Social Justice. Ontario 1994