North Carolina’s Senate race has become the most expensive Senate race in U.S. history. This is fitting, given how much in government goodies Democratic Sen. Kay Hagan’s donors and family have at stake.

Hagan consistently votes for government to pick winners and losers — through grants, loan guarantees, and special one-time tax breaks. Those winners align very nicely with her donors, the companies she’s invested in, and even her own family’s bank account.

One of Hagan’s first votes in Washington was for President Obama’s 2009 stimulus. JDC Manufacturing, a company partly owned by her husband Chip, received about $390,000 in stimulus grants and tax credits, Politico reported in September.

JDC Manufacturing, of course, couldn’t just sit on that money. The company had to use it. Among other things, to install solar panels on the building it owns. Luckily, Sen. Hagan’s son and husband created a solar company in 2010 called Solardyne. JDC used a quarter-million stimulus dollars to hire Solardyne to install the solar panels, Carolina Journal reported in October. Solardyne is now named Green State Energy, and the only address on file for the company is the same address as Chip Hagan’s law firm.

On top of any profits Solardyne may have made, Sen. Hagan’s son and son-in-law received at least $12,785 in direct payments for their labor, Carolina Journal reported after studying stimulus disclosure files. Many of those files have been redacted, however, under the supervision of USDA official Randall Gore — who got his appointment through a recommendation Hagan made in 2009.

Hagan’s family didn’t really need the help: Her net worth is estimated at about $24 million, placing her among the 10 wealthiest U.S. senators.

Hagan has outraised her opponent, Republican state House Speaker Thom Tillis, $21.6 million to $8.5 million, according to data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics. She’s also winning the race to attract outside spending, benefiting from $37.7 million compared with $29.2 million for Tillis.

Hagan’s second-largest source of corporate money is Cisco Systems. Cisco’s PAC gave Hagan the maximum $10,000, while Cisco employees and executives have contributed more than $40,000, including $4,000 from the company’s top lobbyist, Michael Timmeny, vice president for corporate government affairs.

All told, lobbyists who represent Cisco have given Hagan $16,700. Former Democratic Senate staffer Matthew Tanielian, a lobbyist at the Franklin Square Group, gave his first of four $1,000 gifts to Hagan in December 2011.

Two months earlier, Hagan had introduced the Foreign Earnings Reinvestment Act, creating a “repatriation holiday” for companies with foreign earnings. That is, U.S.-based multinational corporations are given a window in which the usual tax rules don’t apply, and they can bring foreign-earned money into the United States at a special lower rate. Congress tried this during the Bush years, and tax policy experts Left and Right agree it was a boondoggle.

Cisco in 2011 led the lobbying charge for the repatriation holiday.

Hagan has attacked Tillis for opposing renewal of the Export-Import Bank, a federal agency that subsidizes U.S. exports with taxpayer-backed loans and loan guarantees. Ex-Im’s top recipients pepper both her donor list and her stock portfolio.

Boeing, Honeywell and General Electric are top Ex-Im beneficiaries, and their PACs have all given to Hagan. She also owns somewhere between $1,000 and $15,000 in stock in Ex-Im beneficiaries Boeing, GE, United Technologies, and John Deere. She has also invested in the lenders who get Ex-Im guarantees for their loans to foreign buyers — lenders including JPMorgan Chase, Citibank, and Bank of America.

When corporate welfare votes come up in the Senate, Hagan usually votes for corporate welfare. She opposed a 2013 effort to reform the indefensible sugar subsidy. She opposed most 2011 efforts to end ethanol subsidies. She opposed all efforts to curb the Export-Import Bank. She is the top recipient of tobacco money, and she voted against a Democratic measure to cut subsidies to tobacco farmers.

In 2010, Hagan voted in favor of the medical device tax. Since then, she has become the No. 2 recipient of money from the medical device industry. In 2013, she flip-flopped and co-sponsored a bill to repeal the tax.

Republican Tillis is no free-market populist. Conservatives in North Carolina and inside the Beltway warn me that Tillis will join the Establishment wing of the party, where the pleas of K Street often drown out limited-government principles.

But Hagan, by fully embracing big government, catering to big business and waving off ethical concerns, has come to embody the corporatism that plagues Washington and breeds corruption.